History of Middlesex County, Massachusetts - citizen hylbom blog

Such a pledge given in religious trust three
years before hostilities commenced, indicated a
fixed, firm, inflexible reliance upon Providence;
and a determination to make any sacrifice in the
cause of freedom. Nor was this an empty boast.
The final event showed that they were as good as
their word. In 177-i the Provincial Congress, in
view of the threatened danger, recommended to the
people throughout the province to organize them-
selves into companies, elect their officers, and be
ready for any emergency. This was the origin of
the organization known as minute-men. Lexing-
ton, which had given such an assurance of devotion
to the cause of human rights, was ready to adopt
this proposed military organization; and she ap-
pears to have been free from an incumbrance ex-
isting in some of the neighboring towns, that of
existing comiJanies whose officers were commis-
sioned by the royal governor; and who felt a kind
of allegiance to the officers of the crown. Lex-
ington felt no restraint of this sort. She was free
to act, and looked only to the Provincial Congress
for authority. Her company of minute-men in-
cluded nearly every citizen, except the aged and
infirm, who associated themselves as what was denominated
the "alarm list." The minute-men
elected their officers agreeably to the recommen-
dation of the Provincial Congress, so that Captain
John Parker was the lawful commander of a regu-
larly organized company, clothed with power by
the only government which the people recognized.
No town, therefore, could have a military force
more legal, more in conformity with the new order
of things than Lexington; and no company had
in its ranks men better instructed in their duty as
soldiers and citizens, or men more devoted to the
sacred cause of liberty.
The town had pledged itself to the province,
and it was not found wanting, at the threat of
danger. After forming their military organization,
they strove to make that organization efficient, so
far as their limited means would allow. They
voted in open town-meeting, " To supply a suitable
quantity of flints," " to bring two pieces of cannon
from Watertown and mount "them," " to provide
a pair of drums for the use of the military company
in town," " to provide bayonets at the town's
cost for one third of the training soldiers," "to
have the militia and alarm-list meet for a review
of their arms, etc." They also voted to pay the
soldiers for the time they spent in drilling and
LEXINGTON. 17
these votes should not become a mere dead letter,
committees were chosen to carry them into eff'ect
all of which showed that the people were hi ear-
nest, and expected that war would ensue.
It is due to the patriots of Lexington and to
our fathers generally, to correct an error which
has prevailed extensively, that they took up arms
rather than pay a threepenny tax upon tea. This
is a narrow view of the subject. They did object
to taxation, because they had no representation in
parliament. But the claim of Great Britain was
not limited to taxation. She claimed the right of
legislating for us in "all cases whatsoever," — a
right to deprive us of all our civil privileges, such
as of trial by jury, of suffrage, of holding prop-
erty, — a doctrine by which they could compel us
to serve in her army and navy, and to fight her
battles in any part of the world; in a word, the
right to make us slaves. And, in fact, before
we took up arms, her parliament reduced some
of these arbitrary principles to practice. The act
changing the charter of Massachusetts practically
deprived us of trial by jury, and other domestic
rights and immunities, which we all hold dear;
and it was the first bold step of exercising absolute
control over the colonies. They had passed such
laws, and had sent a governor, backed by military
power, to enforce them. The resolution on their
part was taken, their purpose was fixed. Their
laws, however oppressive or cruel, should be exe-
cuted even at the point of the bayonet. Nor were
the colonies undecided. Old Middlesex had been
in council, and from a full view of the subject her
people said : " Life and death, or what is more,
freedom or slavery, are in a peculiar sense, now
before us ; and the choice and success under God
depend greatly upon ourselves." And after assert-
ing that the late acts of parliament are uncon-
stitutional, and ought not to be obeyed, but re-
sisted if need be unto death, they assert "that
he can never die too soon who lays down his life
in support of the laws and liberties of his coun-
preparing for active service; and in order that be enforced, and the people said they should not.
try."
Such was the sentiment and resolution of the
county, and Lexington was not a whit behind the
foremost in patriotic seK-devotion. And now when
to all appearance the crisis was at hand she had
taken measures to meet it heroically. The issue
was virtually made up, and nothing was wanting
but an occasion to try the same. Gage had prac-
tically said that the late acts of parhament should
;