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Middle East / North Africa and the Millennium Development Goals ...

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<strong>Middle</strong> <strong>East</strong> / <strong>North</strong> <strong>Africa</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Millennium</strong> <strong>Development</strong> <strong>Goals</strong><br />

producing a growing number of strategy papers that contain goals very<br />

similar to individual MDGs, but this may also be due to chance. In addition,<br />

we do know whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>se strategy papers are taken seriously <strong>and</strong> to<br />

what extent <strong>the</strong>y are being translated into practice (Hermle 2005).<br />

The MENA countries, for sure, will not be able to fully ignore <strong>the</strong> <strong>Millennium</strong><br />

process. The MENA countries have now realized that <strong>the</strong>y will have<br />

to come to terms with <strong>the</strong> discussions <strong>and</strong> international comparisons inspired<br />

by <strong>the</strong> MDG agenda. However, <strong>the</strong> individual MENA countries are<br />

dealing quite differently with this challenge. In essence, we can identify<br />

two basic modes of response:<br />

A first group of countries welcomes <strong>the</strong> MDGs, but not without emphasizing<br />

that <strong>the</strong>y have, basically always, pursued <strong>the</strong> MDGs. Their governments<br />

announce – it might be said, already with a certain pride – that <strong>the</strong>y<br />

see no reason to modify <strong>the</strong>ir policies in view of <strong>the</strong> MGD agenda. This<br />

group of countries includes above all Syria <strong>and</strong> Tunisia, but also, perhaps<br />

to a lesser extent, Egypt, Jordan, <strong>and</strong> Morocco.<br />

In part at least, <strong>the</strong>se countries are not all that wrong in arguing along<br />

<strong>the</strong>se lines. Tunisia especially can rightly claim that it has, already in <strong>the</strong><br />

past, achieved some noteworthy successes in MDG-relevant areas. Its<br />

government has, for example, managed to reduce income poverty substantially<br />

by a prudent social policy which it insisted on retaining against <strong>the</strong><br />

resistance of <strong>the</strong> IMF <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank (Hamza 2002; UN 2003b). The<br />

country also laid <strong>the</strong> foundation for its present, very active women’s promotion<br />

policy in <strong>the</strong> 1960s (Morrison / Friedrich 2004). And Egypt <strong>and</strong><br />

Morocco, several years ago, put <strong>the</strong> measures in place that have ultimately<br />

led to an appreciable rise in school-enrolment <strong>and</strong> literacy rates in <strong>the</strong>se<br />

two countries (PARC 2002; Royaume du Maroc 2003).<br />

In o<strong>the</strong>r cases, though, <strong>the</strong> only explanation for <strong>the</strong> complacency of <strong>the</strong><br />

governments concerned is a deliberate failure to take cognizance of <strong>the</strong><br />

conditions actually given in <strong>the</strong>ir countries. One extreme example here is<br />

Syria. In <strong>the</strong> introduction to its national MDG report, <strong>the</strong> Syrian government<br />

let it be known that “<strong>Development</strong> in Syria takes place in a democratic<br />

system which protects freedom, equality, justice <strong>and</strong> human rights.<br />

The system was built [...] on political <strong>and</strong> economic pluralism.“ (Syrian<br />

Arab Republic 2003, 4) Elsewhere it claims: “Syria’s development experience<br />

is characterized by <strong>the</strong> provision of free <strong>and</strong> democratic education at<br />

German <strong>Development</strong> Institute 111

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