Middle East / North Africa and the Millennium Development Goals ...
Middle East / North Africa and the Millennium Development Goals ...
Middle East / North Africa and the Millennium Development Goals ...
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<strong>Middle</strong> <strong>East</strong> / <strong>North</strong> <strong>Africa</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Millennium</strong> <strong>Development</strong> <strong>Goals</strong><br />
producing a growing number of strategy papers that contain goals very<br />
similar to individual MDGs, but this may also be due to chance. In addition,<br />
we do know whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>se strategy papers are taken seriously <strong>and</strong> to<br />
what extent <strong>the</strong>y are being translated into practice (Hermle 2005).<br />
The MENA countries, for sure, will not be able to fully ignore <strong>the</strong> <strong>Millennium</strong><br />
process. The MENA countries have now realized that <strong>the</strong>y will have<br />
to come to terms with <strong>the</strong> discussions <strong>and</strong> international comparisons inspired<br />
by <strong>the</strong> MDG agenda. However, <strong>the</strong> individual MENA countries are<br />
dealing quite differently with this challenge. In essence, we can identify<br />
two basic modes of response:<br />
A first group of countries welcomes <strong>the</strong> MDGs, but not without emphasizing<br />
that <strong>the</strong>y have, basically always, pursued <strong>the</strong> MDGs. Their governments<br />
announce – it might be said, already with a certain pride – that <strong>the</strong>y<br />
see no reason to modify <strong>the</strong>ir policies in view of <strong>the</strong> MGD agenda. This<br />
group of countries includes above all Syria <strong>and</strong> Tunisia, but also, perhaps<br />
to a lesser extent, Egypt, Jordan, <strong>and</strong> Morocco.<br />
In part at least, <strong>the</strong>se countries are not all that wrong in arguing along<br />
<strong>the</strong>se lines. Tunisia especially can rightly claim that it has, already in <strong>the</strong><br />
past, achieved some noteworthy successes in MDG-relevant areas. Its<br />
government has, for example, managed to reduce income poverty substantially<br />
by a prudent social policy which it insisted on retaining against <strong>the</strong><br />
resistance of <strong>the</strong> IMF <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> World Bank (Hamza 2002; UN 2003b). The<br />
country also laid <strong>the</strong> foundation for its present, very active women’s promotion<br />
policy in <strong>the</strong> 1960s (Morrison / Friedrich 2004). And Egypt <strong>and</strong><br />
Morocco, several years ago, put <strong>the</strong> measures in place that have ultimately<br />
led to an appreciable rise in school-enrolment <strong>and</strong> literacy rates in <strong>the</strong>se<br />
two countries (PARC 2002; Royaume du Maroc 2003).<br />
In o<strong>the</strong>r cases, though, <strong>the</strong> only explanation for <strong>the</strong> complacency of <strong>the</strong><br />
governments concerned is a deliberate failure to take cognizance of <strong>the</strong><br />
conditions actually given in <strong>the</strong>ir countries. One extreme example here is<br />
Syria. In <strong>the</strong> introduction to its national MDG report, <strong>the</strong> Syrian government<br />
let it be known that “<strong>Development</strong> in Syria takes place in a democratic<br />
system which protects freedom, equality, justice <strong>and</strong> human rights.<br />
The system was built [...] on political <strong>and</strong> economic pluralism.“ (Syrian<br />
Arab Republic 2003, 4) Elsewhere it claims: “Syria’s development experience<br />
is characterized by <strong>the</strong> provision of free <strong>and</strong> democratic education at<br />
German <strong>Development</strong> Institute 111