Middle East / North Africa and the Millennium Development Goals ...

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Middle East / North Africa and the Millennium Development Goals producing a growing number of strategy papers that contain goals very similar to individual MDGs, but this may also be due to chance. In addition, we do know whether these strategy papers are taken seriously and to what extent they are being translated into practice (Hermle 2005). The MENA countries, for sure, will not be able to fully ignore the Millennium process. The MENA countries have now realized that they will have to come to terms with the discussions and international comparisons inspired by the MDG agenda. However, the individual MENA countries are dealing quite differently with this challenge. In essence, we can identify two basic modes of response: A first group of countries welcomes the MDGs, but not without emphasizing that they have, basically always, pursued the MDGs. Their governments announce – it might be said, already with a certain pride – that they see no reason to modify their policies in view of the MGD agenda. This group of countries includes above all Syria and Tunisia, but also, perhaps to a lesser extent, Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco. In part at least, these countries are not all that wrong in arguing along these lines. Tunisia especially can rightly claim that it has, already in the past, achieved some noteworthy successes in MDG-relevant areas. Its government has, for example, managed to reduce income poverty substantially by a prudent social policy which it insisted on retaining against the resistance of the IMF and the World Bank (Hamza 2002; UN 2003b). The country also laid the foundation for its present, very active women’s promotion policy in the 1960s (Morrison / Friedrich 2004). And Egypt and Morocco, several years ago, put the measures in place that have ultimately led to an appreciable rise in school-enrolment and literacy rates in these two countries (PARC 2002; Royaume du Maroc 2003). In other cases, though, the only explanation for the complacency of the governments concerned is a deliberate failure to take cognizance of the conditions actually given in their countries. One extreme example here is Syria. In the introduction to its national MDG report, the Syrian government let it be known that “Development in Syria takes place in a democratic system which protects freedom, equality, justice and human rights. The system was built [...] on political and economic pluralism.“ (Syrian Arab Republic 2003, 4) Elsewhere it claims: “Syria’s development experience is characterized by the provision of free and democratic education at German Development Institute 111
112 Markus Loewe all educational stages [...]. In this way, the country provides education to the entire population.“ (Ibid: 4) The Jordanian MDG report claims: „The Government of Jordan has been paying attention to environmental issues since the 1960s.“ (Jordan MOPIC / UN 2004, 48) Morocco notes: “Le message délivré par sa Majesté le Roi Mohammed VI [...] à New York en Juin 2001, et l’inauguration par sa Majesté de l’Hôpital de Jour, pour la prise en charge des cas de VIH/SIDA [...] prouvent l’engagement politique au plus haut niveau dans la lutte contre le SIDA au Maroc.“ (Royaume du Maroc 2003, 36) None of these countries deny that they need to step up their efforts in individual areas. However, the governments are not prepared to acknowledge publicly that even more incisive policy changes are called for. After all, this would amount to acknowledging that mistakes and failures have been made in the past. There are also indications that the governments of the MENA countries have nevertheless been influenced by the MDG agenda (and/or by the Millennium Summit and the world conferences that preceded it). For some years now they have been preparing a growing number of development plans and strategy papers whose goals largely coincide with individual MDGs (above all MDGs 4, 5, and 7) – even though the MDGs are rarely referred to explicitly (GTZ / KfW 2005d; see also Overview 4). According to some observers, this goes in particular for Morocco, and this is the reason why the Sachs Report (Sachs 2005) cites the country as a potential candidate for fast-tracking, i.e. as a country that meets the conditions for major investments geared to an accelerated implementation of the MDGs (GTZ / KfW 2005b). On the other hand, it is questionable whether and to what extent these planning documents have led to changes in political practice. Some reports on Tunisia indicate that government representatives at different levels and in different fields very often make reference to individual MDGs, affirming their will to implement the goals. Tunisia is also reported at least to be very serious about its five-year national development plans. Other observers, though, have a more differentiated assessment of this state of affairs. In their opinion, even the statements made by the Tunisians are at least in part no more than lip service. It is furthermore noted that it is easy for the Tunisians to show commitment since they are in any case on the way to reaching most of the MDGs. German Development Institute
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Middle East / North Africa and the
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Studies Deutsches Institut für Ent
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Foreword This study is the English
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Contents Abbreviations Executive Su
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Bibliography 163 List of Interview
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Figure 15: Trends in the implementa
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Table A15: Commitment of the govern
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GTZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Tech
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UN HABITAT United Nations Human Set
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Markus Loewe ANND (Arab NGO Network
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Markus Loewe - (2003a): Länderberi
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Markus Loewe Clemens, M. / Ch. Kenn
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Markus Loewe Fues, T. (2005): Entwi
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Markus Loewe IMF / OECD / UN / Worl
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Markus Loewe - (2004d): Maßnahmen
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Markus Loewe Pogge, T. (2003): Ein
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Markus Loewe Schüler, D. / S. Klas
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Markus Loewe - (2004a): Human Devel
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Markus Loewe - (2004g): Kingdom of
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Markus Loewe Georg Schüller, Count
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Berichte und Gutachten 11/04 Scholz
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Discussion Paper 16/2006 Brüntrup,
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