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Middle East / North Africa and the Millennium Development Goals ...

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10<br />

Global partnership for development (MDG8)<br />

Markus Loewe<br />

MDG8 consists of a large number of targets, most of which fall under <strong>the</strong><br />

primary responsibility of <strong>the</strong> industrialized countries. Some of <strong>the</strong>m,<br />

though – as in <strong>the</strong> case of MDGs 1–7 – are mainly <strong>the</strong> responsibility of <strong>the</strong><br />

developing countries. This goes above all for (i) improvement of economic<br />

<strong>and</strong> political governance at <strong>the</strong> national level, (ii) reduction of youth unemployment,<br />

(iii) access of <strong>the</strong> population to medicines, <strong>and</strong> (iv) access of<br />

<strong>the</strong> population to modern communications <strong>and</strong> information technologies.<br />

The economic governance of <strong>the</strong> MENA countries continues to be poor.<br />

These countries use a mix of numerous legal regulations <strong>and</strong> informal barriers<br />

to seal off <strong>the</strong>ir goods <strong>and</strong> financial markets to potential new market<br />

entrants from abroad, but also to competitors of established domestic suppliers.<br />

Those interested in investing or producing here are forced endure<br />

protracted, costly, <strong>and</strong> too little transparent approval procedures without<br />

any predictable outcome. And when it comes to legal disputes, it is very<br />

difficult to say how courts will decide. Intellectual property rights are not<br />

given adequate protection, competition laws (assuming <strong>the</strong>y exist in <strong>the</strong><br />

first place) are ei<strong>the</strong>r poorly crafted or regularly ignored by <strong>the</strong> competent<br />

authorities.<br />

Political governance in <strong>the</strong> MENA region is in an even worse state. No<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r world region (with <strong>the</strong> possible exception of Central Asia) suffers<br />

from comparably large deficits with respect to political participation, government<br />

accountability, civil rights, <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r liberal freedoms of <strong>the</strong> inhabitants.<br />

As to transparency <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> rule of law, <strong>the</strong> MENA region does<br />

not rank much better. But worst of all – <strong>and</strong> in contrast to <strong>the</strong> situation in<br />

all o<strong>the</strong>r parts of <strong>the</strong> world – not even <strong>the</strong> smallest improvement has taken<br />

place in <strong>the</strong>se regards in <strong>the</strong> MENA countries over <strong>the</strong> past fifteen years.<br />

And since 1990 <strong>the</strong> MENA countries have also made as good as no progress<br />

in reducing youth unemployment. In Egypt <strong>and</strong> Bahrain, for example, youth<br />

unemployment ratios have even increased drastically. Although <strong>the</strong>re are no<br />

data available for <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r countries of <strong>the</strong> region, <strong>the</strong>y have generally been<br />

faced with rising unemployment, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> actual rates are far higher <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong><br />

official figures indicate. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, it is safe to assume that youth unemployment<br />

rates have increased as well. This goes in particular for <strong>the</strong> Palestinian<br />

Territories, Yemen, Algeria, Libya, Morocco, <strong>and</strong> Lebanon.<br />

German <strong>Development</strong> Institute

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