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Middle East / North Africa and the Millennium Development Goals ...

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Markus Loewe<br />

<strong>the</strong> Mauritanian government’s disposition to become active is at least not<br />

lower than that of o<strong>the</strong>r governments in <strong>the</strong> region.<br />

At <strong>the</strong> same time, it is not entirely clear from <strong>the</strong> perspective of <strong>the</strong> MDGs<br />

why Morocco <strong>and</strong> Egypt should keep <strong>the</strong>ir present status of priority partner<br />

countries. Both are middle-income countries that have far greater capacities<br />

to solve <strong>the</strong>ir own problems than e.g. Yemen or Mauritania, <strong>and</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong>ir problems are not quite as urgent to be solved as those of some o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

countries in <strong>the</strong> region (see Chapter 4).<br />

The reasons again why Algeria, Jordan, Syria, <strong>and</strong> Tunisia do not have <strong>the</strong><br />

status of priority partner countries are convincing. Just like Egypt <strong>and</strong> Morocco,<br />

<strong>the</strong>y are middle-income countries with moderate socioeconomic<br />

problems <strong>and</strong> average capacities to solve <strong>the</strong>m. The intention of <strong>the</strong> BMZ<br />

is to restrict DC with <strong>the</strong>se four countries to only one sector in each country,<br />

although in practice this is only <strong>the</strong> case in Jordan <strong>and</strong> Syria. In both<br />

countries, <strong>the</strong> priority field of German DC is <strong>the</strong> water sector. In Tunisia,<br />

German DC takes place in two sectors (environmental policy; economic<br />

reform <strong>and</strong> market systems development, <strong>and</strong> in Algeria, it even extends to<br />

three sectors (environmental policy; <strong>the</strong> water sector; economic reform<br />

<strong>and</strong> market systems development). One could ask why Tunisia is still receiving<br />

support in <strong>the</strong> form of DC at all. The fact that Tunisia is likely to<br />

reach almost all of <strong>the</strong> MDGs would be a convincing argument for discontinuing<br />

DC support for <strong>the</strong> country. One reason for not proceeding this<br />

way is that termination of DC with a country like Tunisia might seem to be<br />

a punishment for <strong>the</strong> development successes <strong>the</strong> country has achieved, <strong>and</strong><br />

this could prove to be a negative incentive for <strong>the</strong> commitment of o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

countries. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, DC with countries already on <strong>the</strong> road to success<br />

can sometimes achieve more than DC with poor countries that are far more<br />

reliant on external support, even though <strong>the</strong>y are without <strong>the</strong> requisite institutional<br />

structures <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir politicians may lack commitment.<br />

5.2 Definition of sector priorities<br />

Against <strong>the</strong> background of <strong>the</strong> MDGs, <strong>the</strong> sectoral orientation of German<br />

DC with <strong>the</strong> MENA countries can also be seen as very largely reasonable.<br />

In its priority areas German DC is in a position to provide important contributions<br />

to <strong>the</strong> achievement of <strong>the</strong> MDGs. However, it is not engaged in<br />

all fields that are crucial for this purpose.<br />

126 German <strong>Development</strong> Institute

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