13.07.2015 Views

War and Peace in Qajar Persia: Implications Past and ... - Oguzlar.az

War and Peace in Qajar Persia: Implications Past and ... - Oguzlar.az

War and Peace in Qajar Persia: Implications Past and ... - Oguzlar.az

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS
  • No tags were found...

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

Between Scylla <strong>and</strong> Charybdis 45<strong>in</strong> their own names <strong>in</strong> the m<strong>in</strong>ts of these Khanates as a sign of their suzera<strong>in</strong>ty.In particular are the co<strong>in</strong>s of Fath-Ali Shah from the Erivan m<strong>in</strong>t <strong>and</strong> the co<strong>in</strong>sof Agha Mohammad Khan from the Ganja m<strong>in</strong>t, Ganja be<strong>in</strong>g one of the ancestralareas of the <strong>Qajar</strong>s, where <strong>Qajar</strong>s are found by name to this day. (For a listof these Khanates, see also G. Hambly, op. cit., p. 146.)31 The author has <strong>in</strong> his possession one of these silver co<strong>in</strong>s dated 1211/1796 m<strong>in</strong>ted<strong>in</strong> Tiflis, Georgia, with the <strong>in</strong>vocation “ya kareem” address<strong>in</strong>g Karim Khan Z<strong>and</strong>.As is customary with Islamic co<strong>in</strong>s, the <strong>in</strong>scriptions often <strong>in</strong>clude clever word plays.In this case, “kareem” is a reference to God (Allah), one of whose names or titles<strong>in</strong> the Koran is “kareem” (Great or Generous); it is also a reference to the <strong>in</strong>vocation“ya kareem ol kaatebeen,” (“oh generous/benevolent writers”) denot<strong>in</strong>gthe two angels <strong>in</strong> the Koran who record the good <strong>and</strong> bad deeds of men for God’sJudgment Day; it is also a reference to the “recorder” (i.e. calligrapher) of theco<strong>in</strong> on which the <strong>in</strong>scription occurs, <strong>and</strong> lastly, a reference to Karim Khan Z<strong>and</strong>,who was the nom<strong>in</strong>al ruler over these dom<strong>in</strong>ions as successor to the Safavids. Itis noteworthy to remember that Karim Khan had been dead s<strong>in</strong>ce 1779.32 Only the Georgian rulers bore the title “vaali,” a higher ranked title than“khaan” (khan), given that they were k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> their own right. The other localrulers all bore the title “khan,” <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> this there is a possible explanation as towhy the Georgians considered themselves legitimately more autonomous.33 Hambly, op. cit., p. 146.34 As Hambly states (op. cit., p. 129), Agha Mohammad Khan had refused to becrowned until then on the grounds that he did not yet control all of <strong>Persia</strong>. Heaccepted the crown after the conquest of the Khanates of the Caucasus; at thattime he <strong>in</strong>dicated that the job of unification was not complete <strong>and</strong> he was mak<strong>in</strong>gpreparations for the subjugation of Khorasan, Bokhara <strong>and</strong> Herat. Only thenwould he be satisfied that he was <strong>in</strong>deed Shahanshah of all <strong>Persia</strong>. This was not,as has been at times claimed, a question of weak legitimacy. He came from a longl<strong>in</strong>e of khans <strong>and</strong> his father already held the title Shah. He was not like Nader,who boasted that his legitimacy came from his sword. Agha Mohammad Khanconsidered himself the rightful heir to the long l<strong>in</strong>e of k<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>and</strong> emperors of <strong>Persia</strong>go<strong>in</strong>g back to Cyrus <strong>and</strong> Darius. Not <strong>in</strong> the way the Pahlavis tried to tie themselvesto that l<strong>in</strong>e, but because of the historical facts of hundreds of years of chiefta<strong>in</strong>shipby the <strong>Qajar</strong>s before his time <strong>and</strong> the immediate history of the years beforehis accession to the throne. The question of legitimacy was never raised <strong>in</strong> histime or <strong>in</strong> the time of the <strong>Qajar</strong>s. It became a question later under the Pahlavis.It is true that <strong>Qajar</strong> historians created official histories l<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Qajar</strong> bloodl<strong>in</strong>esto the Safavids, yet it was not based on those accounts that the <strong>Qajar</strong>s <strong>and</strong> AghaMohammad Khan <strong>in</strong> particular, were considered legitimate rulers of <strong>Persia</strong>.Legitimacy, beyond the question of legacy, was acquired through unification ofterritory <strong>and</strong> accession to power, s<strong>in</strong>ce it was not possible for Agha MohammadKhan to acquire it by heredity, given the untimely death of his father. It is noteworthythat the acquisition of legitimacy by the <strong>Qajar</strong>s was thus no different fromthat of the Safavids.35 Hambly, op. cit., p. 136. Hambly’s assessment on the process of decisionmak<strong>in</strong>gof Agha Mohammad Khan would deserve full quotation, as would that ofMalcolm <strong>and</strong> Fraser, contemporary observers of <strong>Persia</strong>n politics. These assessmentsleave no room for doubt on the complete applicability of the rationality assumption<strong>and</strong> the rational decision-mak<strong>in</strong>g model to the actions of Agha MohammadKhan, even to his reputed acts of cruelty, which upon exam<strong>in</strong>ation, though perhapslarger <strong>in</strong> scale than those of his immediate predecessors, were <strong>in</strong>tended tofend off further challenges <strong>and</strong> spare him <strong>and</strong> his armies the need for battle.He would offer safe haven if surrender was made <strong>and</strong> even rewarded those whosubmitted. Only if his offer was rejected would he resort to punishment of the

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!