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they affected the cooking practices of the people at whom they are targeted.<br />
Anne Murcott, for example, argues that cookery books ‘conveniently<br />
freeze something of the period at which they were produced’, but are not<br />
a reflection of reality. 31 Stephen Mennell, however, points out that this<br />
does not hold true for cookery columns in magazines, identifying a strong<br />
connection between their content and the diet of the ‘real people’:<br />
It is easier to feel more confident about the connection between<br />
what appears in the cookery columns and what actually happened<br />
in the domestic kitchen than was the case with the<br />
cookery books . . . It appears to be broadly true that women’s<br />
magazines, in cookery as in other supposedly feminine concerns<br />
. . . sought to set high standards for their readers, leading<br />
them but taking care not to run too far ahead of them – which<br />
could have demoralised the housewife and been bad for the<br />
magazines’ circulation. 32<br />
It would be misleading to assume that the cookery columns of Japanese<br />
women’s magazines published in the 1920s and ’30s reflected the reality of<br />
home meals consumed by middle-class households at the time. 33 However,<br />
there is a striking continuity between the recipes and menu suggestions<br />
that appeared in the mass media at the time and the mainstream home<br />
cooking repertoire that began to prevail throughout Japan since the 1960s.<br />
This continuity clearly indicates that middle-class home cooking as projected<br />
in the periodical mass media of the pre-war period served as a model<br />
in the development of the post-war national standard.<br />
Four themes dominated in cookery columns of Japanese women’s<br />
magazines during the 1910s, ’20s and ’30s: hygiene/nourishment, economy,<br />
convenience and novelty. 34 They reflected the four principles of the new<br />
Japanese home cooking that these columns helped to construct. Ideal home<br />
meals were to ensure the physical well-being of the family members – and,<br />
therefore, follow the scientific principles of hygiene and nutrition – while<br />
keeping family finances restrained. They were not supposed to be difficult<br />
to prepare, but needed to attract the appetite of the family members, while<br />
suiting their taste preferences.<br />
Such ideal home cooking came to be known under the name katei<br />
ryōri (‘home’ + ‘cooking’). The new term consciously used the neologism<br />
katei, emphasizing a strong connection with the ideology of domesticity.<br />
Along with home economics textbooks, the new genre was disseminated<br />
through the cookery columns of women’s magazines. Periodicals devoted<br />
100