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they affected the cooking practices of the people at whom they are targeted.<br />

Anne Murcott, for example, argues that cookery books ‘conveniently<br />

freeze something of the period at which they were produced’, but are not<br />

a reflection of reality. 31 Stephen Mennell, however, points out that this<br />

does not hold true for cookery columns in magazines, identifying a strong<br />

connection between their content and the diet of the ‘real people’:<br />

It is easier to feel more confident about the connection between<br />

what appears in the cookery columns and what actually happened<br />

in the domestic kitchen than was the case with the<br />

cookery books . . . It appears to be broadly true that women’s<br />

magazines, in cookery as in other supposedly feminine concerns<br />

. . . sought to set high standards for their readers, leading<br />

them but taking care not to run too far ahead of them – which<br />

could have demoralised the housewife and been bad for the<br />

magazines’ circulation. 32<br />

It would be misleading to assume that the cookery columns of Japanese<br />

women’s magazines published in the 1920s and ’30s reflected the reality of<br />

home meals consumed by middle-class households at the time. 33 However,<br />

there is a striking continuity between the recipes and menu suggestions<br />

that appeared in the mass media at the time and the mainstream home<br />

cooking repertoire that began to prevail throughout Japan since the 1960s.<br />

This continuity clearly indicates that middle-class home cooking as projected<br />

in the periodical mass media of the pre-war period served as a model<br />

in the development of the post-war national standard.<br />

Four themes dominated in cookery columns of Japanese women’s<br />

magazines during the 1910s, ’20s and ’30s: hygiene/nourishment, economy,<br />

convenience and novelty. 34 They reflected the four principles of the new<br />

Japanese home cooking that these columns helped to construct. Ideal home<br />

meals were to ensure the physical well-being of the family members – and,<br />

therefore, follow the scientific principles of hygiene and nutrition – while<br />

keeping family finances restrained. They were not supposed to be difficult<br />

to prepare, but needed to attract the appetite of the family members, while<br />

suiting their taste preferences.<br />

Such ideal home cooking came to be known under the name katei<br />

ryōri (‘home’ + ‘cooking’). The new term consciously used the neologism<br />

katei, emphasizing a strong connection with the ideology of domesticity.<br />

Along with home economics textbooks, the new genre was disseminated<br />

through the cookery columns of women’s magazines. Periodicals devoted<br />

100

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