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historically embedded than is generally known. While the West provided
the ideological incentive for the rise of meat eating in Japan (see chapter
One), since the nineteenth century Korean beef has provided the means
toward its realization.
The import of Korean cattle was conducted on a private scale from
the 1880s, but the trade intensified drastically during the Russo-Japanese
War (1904–5). Following Korea’s annexation in 1910, the stimulation of the
Korean beef industry became a priority for the colonial authorities. In the following
years, the stock increased by approximately 200,000 head per annum;
by the 1920s the number of cattle in the colony more than doubled. 41 A steady
supply of cheap Korean beef enabled the Japanese urban masses to embrace
culinary modernity represented by dishes served at yōshokuya and other mass
eateries that emerged in the Japanese cities in the early twentieth century (see
chapter Two). During the late 1930s, with the rapid build-up of the Japanese
armed forces, Korean beef acquired importance in military strategies as well,
since it became increasingly critical in provisioning Japanese troops. The
export of beef cattle to Manchuria increased from 100 to 400 head during
the first half of the decade to more than 2,000 in 1937. Japanese policy
makers, however, envisioned a dramatic increase of up to 10,000–30,000
head as necessary to support Japanese expansion into China. 42
The Japanese consumers of Korean beef had no knowledge of its
Korean origin. The situation was different in the case of yakiniku, which
had clearly been associated with Korean eateries from the outset. Still, it
was not embraced by the Japanese as part of Korean culture. Contrary to
the popularization of Western cuisine, which was sustained by the ideology
of ‘civilization and enlightenment’, and that of Chinese cuisine by the
rhetoric of militarist expansion into China, the spread of yakiniku relied
strictly on its gustatory merits. In view of a generally negative attitude
towards Koreans, the Korean origins of yakiniku were a predicament,
rather than a stimulant, in its popularization in Japan. The circumstances
were very different in the case of kimch’i (in Japan known as kimuchi) – the
Korean pickle made of salted vegetables fermented with red chilli pepper,
garlic, green onions, ginger, seafood and other ingredients. No Korean
meal is complete without the pickle and it is considered a potent symbol
of Korean identity. A wide range of vegetables is fermented throughout
Korea, but the most popular version is made of Chinese cabbage. 43
While kimch’i was served as a side dish at yakiniku restaurants, its
popularity fell far behind that of grilled meat. Its pungent taste did not
agree with most Japanese customers and the strong, garlicky odour of the
pickle itself, and even more so the breath of the eaters, was not socially
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