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The Nineteenth Century<br />

the struggle; but in Crete the church seems to have avoided the mistrust<br />

which attached to its higher dignitaries in other parts. Cretans are<br />

not anti-clerical; probably because the Cretan hierarchs preserved a<br />

greater independence than some of their colleagues on the mainland.<br />

After their initial successes, says Pashley, the Cretans believed themselves<br />

to be under the especial protection of the Deity; their every<br />

banner was accompanied by a brave priest, ‘who celebrated, with an<br />

unheard of frequency, the most solemn ordinances of their religion’.<br />

And for about a year some fanatical Christian husbands avoided intercourse<br />

with their wives as a pollution which would bring them death in<br />

battle. Pashley also found that many Sphakians had become ‘Brothers’<br />

according to a religious ceremony which dated from the time of Justin-<br />

ian and had been forbidden by both ecclesiastical and imperial authority.<br />

This brotherhood, like gossiprede, was a sacred tie; to marry your<br />

‘brother’s’ sister would be incest. ‘Better the brothers of the church<br />

than the brothers of the womb’ went the tag.<br />

Thirdly, the ‘21 revolt was marked by dissension among the Cretans<br />

themselves. The two most prominent leaders, Roussos of Sphakia and<br />

Melidhonis of Central Crete, were bitter rivals; (Melidhonis was in the<br />

end murdered). And apart from these local chieftains, whose small<br />

guerrilla bands carried on the only sort of warfare which could profit<br />

the Greeks, t<strong>here</strong> was one <strong>Michael</strong> Comnenus Aphendoulief, a Russian-<br />

Greek who claimed descent from the Comnenus dynasty of Byzantine<br />

emperors, sent by Ypsilandis to direct operations - at the Cretans’<br />

request. The Russian eventually retired to Malta; for the Cretans found<br />

they did not want him after all. With such disagreements at the top,<br />

the revolt had no hope of success.<br />

After Navarino the Cretans rose again; a Council of Crete was set up<br />

on the islet Grambousa, which had become a stronghold of patriot<br />

pirates, as it had been before. But this new insurrection collapsed with<br />

the defeat of Hadzimichalis at Frangokastello, in 1828.<br />

Things could never be the same again, however, after Navarino.<br />

Greek independence was now a fact which must be recognized; t<strong>here</strong><br />

was now a ‘Cretan Question’. Crete had entered the sp<strong>here</strong> of Great<br />

Power politics. Yet due to the lunatic machinations of the powers,<br />

enosis was to be delayed for another eighty-five years. Britain must bear<br />

a large share of the blame. Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, whom the<br />

Powers chose as a suitable king for the new principality of Greece,<br />

recognized the impossibility of the proposed frontiers. He wrote to<br />

Lord Aberdeen that he could see no way of pacifying Greece without<br />

including Crete in the new state. But Leopold never actually became<br />

91

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