country” like North Korea. To be or not be a part of globalization is no longer an issue; the onlyquestion is whether a country is in a position to take advantage of globalization or not.Here again, Mexico <strong>and</strong> the small countries of Central America are particularly vulnerable. First,<strong>and</strong> unlike most of the South American countries, they are tied in closely with the U.S. economy so,when the U.S. economy suffers recession, Mexico <strong>and</strong> Central America also suffer—often worse—because their economies are not so diversified as that of the U.S. Never has the old adage, nowapplicable to both Mexico <strong>and</strong> Central America, been truer: “when the U.S. sneezes, Mexico [<strong>and</strong>Central America] get pneumonia.”Second, while we usually think of globalization as primarily economic, globalization also hascultural, political, military, social, <strong>and</strong> technological aspects to it. In the present circumstances,what is particularly worrisome is the globalization of crime, violence, gangs, guns, narco-trafficking,<strong>and</strong> mafias. That is one of the unfortunate side-effects of globalization, which otherwise can beadvantageous. Sadly, it is almost as difficult to reverse the violent <strong>and</strong> criminal aspects of globalizationas it is to hold back the tides of globalization in general.ConclusionCrime <strong>and</strong> political terrorism constitute grave threats to the democratization as well as the developmentprocess in Latin America. While they do not have the power or momentum in most countries to derailthe process entirely or to overthrow governments, fighting crime, violence, <strong>and</strong> terrorism drainsresources <strong>and</strong> strains government relations within communities as well as causes war wearinessamong the people. It adds to the divisions <strong>and</strong> tensions of already deeply divided countries. Suchtensions tugging at democratization are contributing to the decline of its appeal to Latin Americansgenerally. Specifically, dissatisfaction may be slowing progress by manifesting itself in frequentadministration overturns, interrupting policy continuity, diminishing government effectiveness <strong>and</strong>ability to deliver social <strong>and</strong> economic policies, <strong>and</strong> alienating people from a political system basedon enfranchisement <strong>and</strong> participation, especially in its earliest stages.Clearly, political terrorism is sufficiently threatening to already fragile societies <strong>and</strong> governmentsto more than justify prioritizing it in policy <strong>and</strong> practice. Current policy has focused, though obliquelyat times, on rehabilitating societies <strong>and</strong> economies by increasing people’s levels of social <strong>and</strong> hum<strong>and</strong>evelopment. Policy has also been hampered by debates surrounding the identification of optimalmilitary <strong>and</strong> police measures to eliminate terrorists <strong>and</strong> their accomplices. While the answer tothis question is important, it could unduly focus governments on counterterrorism measures that areincomplete <strong>and</strong> thus doomed for failure because they do not holistically remedy the actual causesof political terrorism as indicated earlier in this presentation. The problems are social, economic,political, <strong>and</strong> cultural—not just law enforcement.While there are several key variables within these societies that contribute to the rise of crime<strong>and</strong> political terrorism in Latin America, societies in transition are by definition at the threshold.Unfortunately, change in Latin America most often equates to weak <strong>and</strong> unstable governments<strong>and</strong> weak <strong>and</strong> unstable transitions to democracy. There is class conflict, creating nearly irreparablecleavages in some cases. These cleavages are based most frequently on the failure of governmentsto deliver meaningful <strong>and</strong> substantial economic <strong>and</strong> social reform, often needed to redress egregiouspower <strong>and</strong> income inequalities.History has played a role by delivering larger-than-life liberators into societies colored bymachismo <strong>and</strong> a political culture that sometimes idolizes freedom fighters. Scarce resourcesfor development <strong>and</strong> their unequal distribution provide a catalyst for the volatile face-off of theimpoverished, marginalized, or greedy against the ownership class (government or otherwise), whoare the economic as well as the political elite. Traditional society <strong>and</strong> ways of life, centered so strongly176<strong>Security</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Defense</strong> <strong>Studies</strong> <strong>Review</strong> <strong>2010</strong> <strong>Fall</strong>-Winter Issue / Edicíón Otoño-Invierno <strong>2010</strong> / Edicão Outono-Inverno <strong>2010</strong> / Volume 11
in earlier times around faith <strong>and</strong> devotion within the structure of the Catholic Church, is reorienting tomodernity <strong>and</strong> the secularism it brings to many places. Finally, to a certain degree, political terrorismhas become habit or party to a self-perpetuating cycle in many countries. Crime <strong>and</strong> terrorism areestablished as the way to effect change or to dem<strong>and</strong> recognition. Its violence is most often met byequal or greater government violence, where tit for tat is inculcated into generations as reasonablepolicy.These are some of the long-range causes of crime, violence, <strong>and</strong> political terrorism. In additionto these long-term factors, our analysis also focused on short-term or proximate causes: the rise ofcriminal gangs, spillover effects from narco-violence in Mexico, the worldwide economic downturn,<strong>and</strong> globalization. Emerging patterns of crime <strong>and</strong> terrorism in Latin America now join the alreadywell-documented permutations seen in other areas in recent decades. They include transnationalcooperation among disparate mafia groups, entrenched criminality that may eclipse state authority,<strong>and</strong> diffusion of Middle Eastern terrorism <strong>and</strong> possibly the al Qaeda network to this far-off region.These patterns represent the never-ending evolution of terrorism <strong>and</strong> the greatest threat from politicalterrorism to domestic <strong>and</strong> international security.Response has centered around two principle needs in policy: an effective means of capturingterrorists or otherwise physically restraining terrorism <strong>and</strong> the mending of societal <strong>and</strong> economicwoes in order to prevent the production of terrorists or an environment conducive to their creation.The former, while critical, will never be able entirely to halt terrorism, so the latter is in that sensemore important. To these two factors we would add what seems to be the most critical factor: theneed for effective, democratic, pluralist governance <strong>and</strong> effective delivery of social <strong>and</strong> economicdevelopment, itself difficult in transitional societies.The United States has chosen to engage itself in aiding Latin America to fight crime <strong>and</strong> violence.In the ever-changing world, the United States will come to engage more actively <strong>and</strong> aggressivelyin aiding its southern neighbors. The world is more interdependent than ever, <strong>and</strong> the United Stateshas its strongest ties to Latin America in history. Moreover, through immigration, culture, trade,tourism, oil, <strong>and</strong> natural gas, to say nothing of drugs <strong>and</strong> crime, we are also more interdependent withLatin America than ever before. But there is another consideration that currently preoccupies muchof Washington’s policy: the global war on terrorism. The U.S. cannot do it all; Latin American statesmust also be cooperatively involved. In later sessions of this conference we will discuss these new<strong>and</strong> cooperative efforts.The truest test of Latin American success can be found in the formidable task to democratize <strong>and</strong>develop in an environment fraught with tension <strong>and</strong> violence. Proof of Latin America’s ability to doso will be found in its ability, with U.S. assistance, to identify <strong>and</strong> adopt effective, responsible, <strong>and</strong>feasible means of coping with the challenge.<strong>Security</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Defense</strong> <strong>Studies</strong> <strong>Review</strong> <strong>2010</strong> <strong>Fall</strong>-Winter Issue / Edicíón Otoño-Invierno <strong>2010</strong> / Edicão Outono-Inverno <strong>2010</strong> / Volume 11 177
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CommentariesSecurity Cooperation Be
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El espacio de las mujeres en las Fu
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La organización e institucionaliza
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encuentra altamente asociada al cam
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ministerial para la equidad de gén
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BibliografíaBarrancos, Dora (2007)
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Anexo IPaísIncorporación Femenina
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Anexo IIMujeres militares sudameric
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Todo un conjunto de cualidades, cap
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500 y durante la Batalla de Sarand
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miembros de la soberanía de la Nac
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10 de octubre de ese año, la Compa
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algunos barcos de apoyo para alberg
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1.75 metros de altura y como requis
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de producción sustituyendo al homb
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y sicológica, no sólo en los ámb
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La segunda etapa se caracterizó po
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La normativa vinculada con la asign
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conductas que pudieran encuadrarse
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Género en el marco de las Operacio
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56Security and Defense Studies Revi
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De ese modo nos encontramos con mod
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del total. Debe destacarse que dent
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BibliografíaCarreiras, H.: Gender
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Tras la aprobación de esta histór
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Una vez aprobada la Resolución 132
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para designar asesores de género e
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firme se ha materializado en la ado
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la construcción de la paz, la reco
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Sin embargo, a medida que avanzaba
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Women on the Front Lines of the Fig
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term even has meaning any longer wi
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following graduation. 15 Of course,
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including members from other Americ
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Solidariedade ou interesse? O que l
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em mais amplo e complexo. 7A possib
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Participação dos Estados-Membros
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sujeitos a alguma OMP. Aqueles que,
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às recomendações das Fases II, I
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Franco, que assumira após o Impeac
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O Brasil, por intermédio do Presid
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No entanto, no tocante especificame
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Portanto, não se consegue visualiz
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ReferênciasAlmeida Pinto, J.R. de;
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______. United Nations Department o
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Beyond economic activities, the PRC
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soy oil into the country, a flow wh
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As is the case with Chinese investm
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In some cases, Chinese companies, l
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Although it is not possible to pred
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Considering this, we will now go fr
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The contribution of Chilean troops
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