Bulletin de liaison etd'information - Institut kurde de Paris

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Revue de Presse-Press Review-Berhevoka Çapê-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basm Ozeti Washington to foment a revolution against Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. Prince Turki al-Faisal, who was the kingdom's intelligence chief for more than two decades before leaving the post in August, told U.S. reporters recently that "we believe the way to go is from inside Iraq." He added, "If you send an i,nvasion force to Iraq ...you're going to create ...resentment and fear and anger at the United States." Saudi public opinion is currently deeply divided over the continuing presence of some 5,000 U.S. troops in Saudi Arabia since the Gulf War of 1991. U.S. media has quoted some Saudi officials as saying anonymously that the American soldiers should leave. Kuwait, which like Saudi Arabia has no diplomatic relations with Baghdad, has Rot publicly endorsed or opposed any new U.S. military action. But this weekend it urged Iraq to readmit UN arms inspectors in order to "avoid exposing the Iraqi people to harm" and warned that if there is a military operation, "it will not be like what happened in the past." Iran - which fought an eight-year war with Baghdad in the 19805 and also has no diplomatic relationshas taken little part in the new debate over Iraq. But Tehran has stepped up its own criticisms of Washington in the wake of being dubbed part of an "axis of evil" itself. Iranian Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi told a meeting of Islamic and European countries in Turkey yesterday that what he called a widespread global consensus against terrorism had formed after the 11 September attacks. But he said, "unfortunately, the voices coming from Washington recently are totally out of this international line." As Cheney prepares for his Mideast trip, U.S. analysts say his main challenge will be to convince America's allies in the war on terrorism that Washington is correct to increasingly focus attention on Iraq. Judith Kipper is a regional expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C., who recently made a three-week trip to the Gulf states. She says support among U.S. allies is still strong for the war on terror, but many remain to be convinced about whether the war needs to .be expanded to Iraq. "I don't think that any country which is a friend and ally of the United States is reassessing being part of a coalition against terror. Everybody is against terror, and terror has been a problem and a threat to countries like Egypt and others over the years. But I think there are real questions that have been raised about American objectives, about how the whole notion of terrorism might include countries like Iraq, which has weapons of mass destruction [and] is under UN sanctions. [And yet] so far there is no evidence linking it to a recent terror attack." She continues: "So the U.S. really has to make an effort to not use slogans but to really do some serious explaining and consultation with friends and allies who have a high degree of concern and anxiety, which is understandable considering they don't have as much information about U.S. policy as they need." Cheney is due to visit some 10 countries, including Iraqi's neighbors Jordan, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey. A top aide to Cheney told Reuters last week that he will "hold wide-ranging discussions on matters ...including our ongoing campaign against terrorism and other regional security issues." ***** Prospects for democracy in Iraq: Summary of seminar proceeding KurdishMedia.com 15 February 2002 By Karen Dabrowska Summary of the proceeding of a one-day seminar held at London l,Jniversity's School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) under the auspices of Iraq Institute for Democracy - Erbil In collaboration with: The Iraqi Cultural Forum (London) and the Centre of Middle Eastern Studie!? (SOAS), University of London Prospects for democracy in Iraq Session One: Chair: Sarah Graham Brown, author "Process of Change: Global, Regional and Domestic Dynamics: Democratization of Iraq" (International environment; internal factors and neighbourhood; catalysts affecting the process of change) The seminar opened with introductory remarks from Hussain Sinjari, President of the Iraq Institute for Democracy. He poin- 49
----- . . ... - ... ----------- . ------- Revue de Presse-Press Review-Berhevoka Çapê-Rivista Stampa-l)entrp de la Prensa-Basln Ozeti ted out that-when Iraq wasfounded in thebe~g of the last çen.tury, some citizens were more equal than others. The rights of the Kurds, the Shi'ites and those of minorities such as Turkomen, Assyrians; Chaldeails, Yeiidies, Jews and Sabia's, were both recognized and violated. Burdens grew and became worse, but the catastrophic deterioration occurred under the present regime. Iraq is now considered one of the most closed statesin the twenty-first century. Reformation and democratisation of Iraq is possible when the people of Iraq and the world democracies unite their efforts to facilitate this reformation and democratisation. Dictatorship cannot bring stability. Denial of communal rights c~ates instability, and breeds evil totalitarian approaches in the streets as well as in the palaces of the despots. Recognition of people's rights is an essential ingredient in bringing stability and prosperity. ' The next three speakers, Paul Hist, Faleh Jabar and ~ Zubaida were from London University's Bribeck College. Paul Hirst described the are three basic elements of demQCracy: representative government; a liberal framework of political norms and social and institutional pluralism. Some people give much greater emphasis to one of the three and often the relationship between the three is confused in our everyday politicallanguage. Hist drew attention to the huge wave of democratisation that has taken place in the last twenty years and said it was obviously better than a wave of authoritarianism but many of these new regimes are weak democracies with shallow foundations. When people argue about systems of government one thing that becomes absolutely clear is that whatever the faults of democracy, anything else is worse. The fundamental reason is that if government does not involve consulting the people who are affected by decisions then those qecisions will tend to be bad and self-interested. Faleh Jabar concluded that there is a new co-relation between the state and society. The total hegemony which was achieved by the Baath Party, through oil revenues, through psychological hegemony, its security apparatuses and even by the success of the socÎél1services is cracking. The very pillars of these successes are cracking. Some of them have crackéd beyond recognition. This will create a new window of opportunity for civil society and perhaps some sort of democratisation. , Sami Zubaida drew attention to the factthe countries in the region which have a measure of real pluralism although not often of liberalism or of the rule of law are Turkey and Iran in very different ways. In both Turkey and Iran very few of the politiCal forces and the centres of social power are democratic. But at the same time the very fact that there is a multiplicity of power centres, and each one of them may be ~emocratic, promotes the possibility of democracy. This was also true of pre civil war Lebanon. You don't have an Abdel Nasser, of Saddam Hussein or Qathafi who will just hold all the power within a clique in the centre but for historical reasons you have a dispersion of centres of social power. So the road to democratisation is really a very difficult one. I can only conclude with the reported response of the Irish peasant who was asked by a tourist how do I get to Dublin from here? He replied: If I were I would not start from here at all. In his analysis of Turkey's attitude towards democràtisation in Iraq Dr William Hale from the ~partment of Political Studies at SOAS said that Turkey has some difficulties over this: it doesn't want to push this as a major point since its main efforts are concentrated on democratisation at home, and dealing with its own Kurdish problem. It also probably doesn't want to annoy Saddam unnecessarily, and insists merely that he must comply over weapons inspections, etc. However, in principle it strongly favours a more democratic and stable Iraq, provided this can be achieved withoùt a period of chaos or dismemberment of the country. Turkish reactions to the extension of the war on terrorism to Iraq are not quite certain. For instance, Turkish Ambassador in Washington, told the US journal Defense News in November that 'we would definitely rather the war did not spread to a neighbouring country .... However, if credible evidence is given that Iraq was behind the terrorist attacks on the United States then Turkey would not ignore the matter, it would review its standards vis-a-vis Iraq.' Similarly, on December 19th the Defènce Minister, Sabahattin Cakmakimlu, was quoted as saying that 'we have frequently stated that we do not want an operation directed against Iraq. But new conditions could bring new assessments onto our agenda'. ' ' 50
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