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Plains Indian Studies - Smithsonian Institution Libraries

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NUMBER 30 129<br />

hunters and traders during the 1740s and 1750s,<br />

a period of alternating international war and<br />

peace, vacillated accordingly. These Wichita may<br />

have been the beneficiaries of a notable amount<br />

of trade goods only in the years 1750-1752 (M.<br />

Wedel, 1981:46-48), when many more ships arrived<br />

from France than ever before and when<br />

Arkansas River traffic was less subject to Osage<br />

<strong>Indian</strong> attack than previously.<br />

Possession of a number of horses made it possible<br />

to bring back the large quantity of meat<br />

necessary to satisfy the French hunters, an<br />

amount far exceeding that formerly required for<br />

village sustenance only. It has been proposed<br />

(Steen, 1953:187) that in connection with the<br />

cooperative enterprise, more butchering may<br />

have taken place in the villages themselves than<br />

at the kill site as before. The Wichita procured<br />

their horses from the Comanche, both in group<br />

and individual trading sessions and also through<br />

raids on <strong>Plains</strong> Apache and Spaniards.<br />

By 1753 this joint enterprise seems to have been<br />

dissolving. With the development of the French<br />

and <strong>Indian</strong> War in 1754, shipping was again<br />

endangered, causing trade items to be in short<br />

supply. Firearms were by order restricted to<br />

French military forces. In addition, <strong>Indian</strong> warfare<br />

was more and more drawing the Wichita<br />

away from hunting game beyond their personal<br />

needs. They were also distracted (probably with<br />

French encouragement) by the proposed Spanish<br />

protection of the <strong>Plains</strong> Apache at the San Saba<br />

mission and presidio. By 1758, all the Wichita<br />

remaining on or near the Arkansas River apparently<br />

had left the region (M. Wedel, 1981:48)<br />

that had been their homeland for at least 250<br />

years and had moved south to Red River. Here<br />

they were greeted with pleasure by Frenchmen<br />

based in Natchitoches who hoped for their cooperation<br />

in confining the Spaniards to the region<br />

south of that river.<br />

The Wichita, 1541-1750s, A Changing Lifeway<br />

From the viewpoint of the Wichita, their life in<br />

the 1500s must have been quite satisfactory. This<br />

documentary review has shown, however, that it<br />

altered in numerous ways in the following two<br />

centuries. It is true that certain distinctive cultural<br />

traits are recorded as persisting, especially<br />

those that may have been of some antiquity and<br />

that were shared with the Caddo proper, such as<br />

tattooing, grass houses, and, of course, linguistic<br />

family. The environment of their shifting settlements<br />

was also unchanged until moves were made<br />

in the 18th century to Red River and farther<br />

south, where this study does not follow them. The<br />

economy of horticulture and hunting, supplemented<br />

by gathering, continued to prevail even<br />

after it was overlaid with a French professional<br />

hunting activity in the 1740s and early 1750s.<br />

Two subdivisions of the Wichita, namely the<br />

Tawakoni and Tawehash, are documented<br />

through the period examined. The Yscanis and<br />

Wichita proper may have been present but unrecognized<br />

before 1719. This may also be true of<br />

the smaller Wichita groups named by Benard de<br />

La Harpe which, however, were unrecorded afterwards<br />

as well, presumably because of their<br />

merging with other Wichita-speakers. A band<br />

settlement pattern consisting of a set of two villages<br />

near together is documented in 1683, c. 1699<br />

on a Marc Bergier, S.J., map (M. Wedel, 1979,<br />

fig. 1), in 1719, and 1748-1749.<br />

The changes occurring after the 16th century<br />

that are explicitly documented or implied include<br />

a shift in settlement locations and pattern; a move<br />

from raiding to more intensified warfare; variations<br />

in intertribal relations and in the <strong>Indian</strong><br />

slave trade pattern; modification of hunting procedures;<br />

acquisition of horses, the lance, and European<br />

trade goods; the spread of European diseases;<br />

possible introduction of certain rituals as<br />

well as a new religious concept; adaptation of an<br />

old ceremony to new conditions. To what can<br />

these changes be attributed? Almost all seem to<br />

result in a variety of ways from the presence of<br />

Europeans in New Mexico and the Mississippi<br />

Valley. An interpretation of the recorded changes<br />

(limited always by the scope of documentation)<br />

becomes a case study of the multipronged influence<br />

of Europeans over 200 years on this southern<br />

prairie-plains <strong>Indian</strong> people.<br />

Unfortunately, a paucity of pertinent docu-

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