Plains Indian Studies - Smithsonian Institution Libraries
Plains Indian Studies - Smithsonian Institution Libraries
Plains Indian Studies - Smithsonian Institution Libraries
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NUMBER 30 129<br />
hunters and traders during the 1740s and 1750s,<br />
a period of alternating international war and<br />
peace, vacillated accordingly. These Wichita may<br />
have been the beneficiaries of a notable amount<br />
of trade goods only in the years 1750-1752 (M.<br />
Wedel, 1981:46-48), when many more ships arrived<br />
from France than ever before and when<br />
Arkansas River traffic was less subject to Osage<br />
<strong>Indian</strong> attack than previously.<br />
Possession of a number of horses made it possible<br />
to bring back the large quantity of meat<br />
necessary to satisfy the French hunters, an<br />
amount far exceeding that formerly required for<br />
village sustenance only. It has been proposed<br />
(Steen, 1953:187) that in connection with the<br />
cooperative enterprise, more butchering may<br />
have taken place in the villages themselves than<br />
at the kill site as before. The Wichita procured<br />
their horses from the Comanche, both in group<br />
and individual trading sessions and also through<br />
raids on <strong>Plains</strong> Apache and Spaniards.<br />
By 1753 this joint enterprise seems to have been<br />
dissolving. With the development of the French<br />
and <strong>Indian</strong> War in 1754, shipping was again<br />
endangered, causing trade items to be in short<br />
supply. Firearms were by order restricted to<br />
French military forces. In addition, <strong>Indian</strong> warfare<br />
was more and more drawing the Wichita<br />
away from hunting game beyond their personal<br />
needs. They were also distracted (probably with<br />
French encouragement) by the proposed Spanish<br />
protection of the <strong>Plains</strong> Apache at the San Saba<br />
mission and presidio. By 1758, all the Wichita<br />
remaining on or near the Arkansas River apparently<br />
had left the region (M. Wedel, 1981:48)<br />
that had been their homeland for at least 250<br />
years and had moved south to Red River. Here<br />
they were greeted with pleasure by Frenchmen<br />
based in Natchitoches who hoped for their cooperation<br />
in confining the Spaniards to the region<br />
south of that river.<br />
The Wichita, 1541-1750s, A Changing Lifeway<br />
From the viewpoint of the Wichita, their life in<br />
the 1500s must have been quite satisfactory. This<br />
documentary review has shown, however, that it<br />
altered in numerous ways in the following two<br />
centuries. It is true that certain distinctive cultural<br />
traits are recorded as persisting, especially<br />
those that may have been of some antiquity and<br />
that were shared with the Caddo proper, such as<br />
tattooing, grass houses, and, of course, linguistic<br />
family. The environment of their shifting settlements<br />
was also unchanged until moves were made<br />
in the 18th century to Red River and farther<br />
south, where this study does not follow them. The<br />
economy of horticulture and hunting, supplemented<br />
by gathering, continued to prevail even<br />
after it was overlaid with a French professional<br />
hunting activity in the 1740s and early 1750s.<br />
Two subdivisions of the Wichita, namely the<br />
Tawakoni and Tawehash, are documented<br />
through the period examined. The Yscanis and<br />
Wichita proper may have been present but unrecognized<br />
before 1719. This may also be true of<br />
the smaller Wichita groups named by Benard de<br />
La Harpe which, however, were unrecorded afterwards<br />
as well, presumably because of their<br />
merging with other Wichita-speakers. A band<br />
settlement pattern consisting of a set of two villages<br />
near together is documented in 1683, c. 1699<br />
on a Marc Bergier, S.J., map (M. Wedel, 1979,<br />
fig. 1), in 1719, and 1748-1749.<br />
The changes occurring after the 16th century<br />
that are explicitly documented or implied include<br />
a shift in settlement locations and pattern; a move<br />
from raiding to more intensified warfare; variations<br />
in intertribal relations and in the <strong>Indian</strong><br />
slave trade pattern; modification of hunting procedures;<br />
acquisition of horses, the lance, and European<br />
trade goods; the spread of European diseases;<br />
possible introduction of certain rituals as<br />
well as a new religious concept; adaptation of an<br />
old ceremony to new conditions. To what can<br />
these changes be attributed? Almost all seem to<br />
result in a variety of ways from the presence of<br />
Europeans in New Mexico and the Mississippi<br />
Valley. An interpretation of the recorded changes<br />
(limited always by the scope of documentation)<br />
becomes a case study of the multipronged influence<br />
of Europeans over 200 years on this southern<br />
prairie-plains <strong>Indian</strong> people.<br />
Unfortunately, a paucity of pertinent docu-