Plains Indian Studies - Smithsonian Institution Libraries
Plains Indian Studies - Smithsonian Institution Libraries
Plains Indian Studies - Smithsonian Institution Libraries
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76 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY<br />
and settle in general meeting all questions of any<br />
importance" (NA, 1910).<br />
Lone Bear was head councilman and main<br />
spokesman on the council, and Yellow Calf was<br />
next in prominence. These leaders were headmen<br />
from the two main bands on the reservation.<br />
Although Lone Bear and Yellow Calf were the<br />
primary spokesmen, they merely articulated the<br />
consensus of the council as a whole. A search of<br />
all council minutes filed in the National Archives<br />
reveals that when the council voted on reservation<br />
matters, the Arapahoes almost always voted<br />
unanimously.<br />
Periodically, the Arapahoe business council<br />
met jointly with the Shoshone business council,<br />
which represented the Shoshones. In their talks<br />
with <strong>Indian</strong> Office officials the councilmen<br />
worked to suppress dissension among themselves<br />
and to present a unified view on most reservation<br />
problems. Militant confrontations with BIA personnel<br />
were deliberately delegated to councilmen<br />
from one of the Shoshone factions referred to by<br />
Arapahoes and Shoshones as the "Mixed Bloods"<br />
(Fowler, 1982:147-148).<br />
The Ceremonial Elders, a group of Arapahoe<br />
ritual authorities who supervised all tribal religious<br />
ceremonies, had considerable influence over<br />
the councilmen, as well as over Arapahoes in<br />
general. Attempts to attain personal, supernatural<br />
powers by and large ceased after reservation<br />
settlement, when Arapahoes were no longer going<br />
to war. Concomitantly with the demise of the<br />
quest for personal medicine power, the authority<br />
of the Ceremonial Elders was augmented because<br />
these officials were increasingly relied upon for<br />
mediation with the supernatural. The Sun Dance,<br />
which was directed by the Ceremonial Elders,<br />
gradually became the only avenue to ritual status<br />
for most Arapahoes. Despite <strong>Indian</strong> Office prohibition<br />
of the ceremony, it apparently was held<br />
annually with the exception of a ten-year period<br />
from 1913 to 1922. The introduction of Christianity<br />
was not competitive with native Arapahoe<br />
religion; rather, Arapahoes participated in both<br />
Christian ritual and the native religion. Arapahoes<br />
skillfully played off the Catholic and Episcopal<br />
missions against one another, involving<br />
themselves in the Catholic mission program when<br />
the Episcopal missionary pressed the abandonment<br />
of native customs and values, and participating<br />
in Episcopal programs when the Catholics<br />
opposed Arapahoe ceremonies too vigorously. Revitalization<br />
movements, including peyote and the<br />
Crow Dance, were introduced among the Arapahoes;<br />
but these movements, like Christianity,<br />
augmented rather than conflicted with traditional<br />
ritual life (Fowler, 1982:122-126, 136-137).<br />
The first council members (men like Lone Bear,<br />
Yellow Calf, Goes In Lodge) were middle-aged<br />
individuals who had personal medicine power.<br />
Most were ex-warriors. By about 1930, a compartmentalization<br />
of secular and sacred authority<br />
had begun to develop. Men with high positions<br />
in the ceremonial leadership hierarchy did not<br />
serve as councilmen or directly involve themselves<br />
in political interaction with Whites; secular leadership<br />
was relegated to middle-aged men or occasionally<br />
to elderly men without authority in the<br />
sacred sphere. Yet, the Ceremonial Elders had a<br />
great deal of influence. They chose the councilmen,<br />
had what amounted to veto power in matters<br />
of importance, and were always consulted on<br />
major issues. (See Fowler, 1978, for a more complete<br />
discussion of the ways sacred and secular<br />
leadership interpenetrate among the Arapahoes.)<br />
Most of the older councilmen spoke and understood<br />
English fairly well, but one or two middleaged<br />
bilinguals were asked to serve on the council<br />
so that they could interpret for the senior councilmen.<br />
In sum, on the surface of it, Arapahoe business<br />
councilmen accommodated themselves to a<br />
Western model of political organization. But they<br />
also related to their constituents and toward each<br />
other in ways that reflected and reinforced political<br />
values of unanimity, generosity, modesty, and<br />
respect for the authority of the aged. They acted<br />
as intermediaries and spokesmen, articulating<br />
group consensus. For these reasons, the business<br />
councilmen had marked success at generating<br />
and retaining the support of their constituents.<br />
Until the 1930s, the councilmen usually served<br />
until death or retirement, several for terms as<br />
long as twenty or twenty-five years.