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Plains Indian Studies - Smithsonian Institution Libraries

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76 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY<br />

and settle in general meeting all questions of any<br />

importance" (NA, 1910).<br />

Lone Bear was head councilman and main<br />

spokesman on the council, and Yellow Calf was<br />

next in prominence. These leaders were headmen<br />

from the two main bands on the reservation.<br />

Although Lone Bear and Yellow Calf were the<br />

primary spokesmen, they merely articulated the<br />

consensus of the council as a whole. A search of<br />

all council minutes filed in the National Archives<br />

reveals that when the council voted on reservation<br />

matters, the Arapahoes almost always voted<br />

unanimously.<br />

Periodically, the Arapahoe business council<br />

met jointly with the Shoshone business council,<br />

which represented the Shoshones. In their talks<br />

with <strong>Indian</strong> Office officials the councilmen<br />

worked to suppress dissension among themselves<br />

and to present a unified view on most reservation<br />

problems. Militant confrontations with BIA personnel<br />

were deliberately delegated to councilmen<br />

from one of the Shoshone factions referred to by<br />

Arapahoes and Shoshones as the "Mixed Bloods"<br />

(Fowler, 1982:147-148).<br />

The Ceremonial Elders, a group of Arapahoe<br />

ritual authorities who supervised all tribal religious<br />

ceremonies, had considerable influence over<br />

the councilmen, as well as over Arapahoes in<br />

general. Attempts to attain personal, supernatural<br />

powers by and large ceased after reservation<br />

settlement, when Arapahoes were no longer going<br />

to war. Concomitantly with the demise of the<br />

quest for personal medicine power, the authority<br />

of the Ceremonial Elders was augmented because<br />

these officials were increasingly relied upon for<br />

mediation with the supernatural. The Sun Dance,<br />

which was directed by the Ceremonial Elders,<br />

gradually became the only avenue to ritual status<br />

for most Arapahoes. Despite <strong>Indian</strong> Office prohibition<br />

of the ceremony, it apparently was held<br />

annually with the exception of a ten-year period<br />

from 1913 to 1922. The introduction of Christianity<br />

was not competitive with native Arapahoe<br />

religion; rather, Arapahoes participated in both<br />

Christian ritual and the native religion. Arapahoes<br />

skillfully played off the Catholic and Episcopal<br />

missions against one another, involving<br />

themselves in the Catholic mission program when<br />

the Episcopal missionary pressed the abandonment<br />

of native customs and values, and participating<br />

in Episcopal programs when the Catholics<br />

opposed Arapahoe ceremonies too vigorously. Revitalization<br />

movements, including peyote and the<br />

Crow Dance, were introduced among the Arapahoes;<br />

but these movements, like Christianity,<br />

augmented rather than conflicted with traditional<br />

ritual life (Fowler, 1982:122-126, 136-137).<br />

The first council members (men like Lone Bear,<br />

Yellow Calf, Goes In Lodge) were middle-aged<br />

individuals who had personal medicine power.<br />

Most were ex-warriors. By about 1930, a compartmentalization<br />

of secular and sacred authority<br />

had begun to develop. Men with high positions<br />

in the ceremonial leadership hierarchy did not<br />

serve as councilmen or directly involve themselves<br />

in political interaction with Whites; secular leadership<br />

was relegated to middle-aged men or occasionally<br />

to elderly men without authority in the<br />

sacred sphere. Yet, the Ceremonial Elders had a<br />

great deal of influence. They chose the councilmen,<br />

had what amounted to veto power in matters<br />

of importance, and were always consulted on<br />

major issues. (See Fowler, 1978, for a more complete<br />

discussion of the ways sacred and secular<br />

leadership interpenetrate among the Arapahoes.)<br />

Most of the older councilmen spoke and understood<br />

English fairly well, but one or two middleaged<br />

bilinguals were asked to serve on the council<br />

so that they could interpret for the senior councilmen.<br />

In sum, on the surface of it, Arapahoe business<br />

councilmen accommodated themselves to a<br />

Western model of political organization. But they<br />

also related to their constituents and toward each<br />

other in ways that reflected and reinforced political<br />

values of unanimity, generosity, modesty, and<br />

respect for the authority of the aged. They acted<br />

as intermediaries and spokesmen, articulating<br />

group consensus. For these reasons, the business<br />

councilmen had marked success at generating<br />

and retaining the support of their constituents.<br />

Until the 1930s, the councilmen usually served<br />

until death or retirement, several for terms as<br />

long as twenty or twenty-five years.

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