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136 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY<br />

undertaken in Red Rock Reservoir by the National<br />

Park Service and Iowa State University<br />

between 1964 and 1968. A contract completion<br />

report covering sites included in these agreements<br />

was submitted to the National Park Service in<br />

1973. In 1976, Nancy Osborn wrote her Master's<br />

thesis on "The Clarkson Site (13WA2): An<br />

Oneota Manfestation in the Central Des Moines<br />

River Valley." The analysis of all of the Moingona<br />

Phase materials, however, has not yet been<br />

completed.<br />

Introduction<br />

Recently a friend of mine, Juanita Pudwill,<br />

then a student at Iowa State University, was<br />

engaged in a study of corn ceremonialism among<br />

American <strong>Indian</strong>s. Her study was based, in part,<br />

on her own experiences and observations at the<br />

Mesquakie Settlement near Tama, Iowa, where<br />

she was formerly employed as a teacher of speech<br />

and drama at the local high school. As a portion<br />

of her project, she reported the following to me in<br />

1979:<br />

During the fall of 1976, I was invited to a friend's home<br />

on the Mesquakie <strong>Indian</strong> Settlement near Tama, Iowa, to<br />

take part in a corn harvest ceremony. I entered the house<br />

and went into the kitchen. A young woman of the family,<br />

who was a friend and former student of mine, was standing<br />

at the kitchen table sharpening the edge of a clam shell with<br />

a whetstone. There was a small box of the shells on the<br />

kitchen table. I asked her what she was doing. What I really<br />

meant was, "Why are you sharpening a shell?" She gave an<br />

upward and back nod of the head .... Following her nod I<br />

went into the front room, where representatives of four<br />

generations of the family had gathered to perform an annual<br />

ceremony .... I saw the use of the shell with the corn and<br />

immediately sat down with the family and began shelling<br />

corn.<br />

Other than surprise, I had two immediate reactions.<br />

The first was inappropriate but uncontrollable<br />

laughter at the thought of the delightful<br />

pun: shelling corn! The second was an archeological<br />

flashback to Oneota storage pits that I had<br />

excavated at sites in the central Des Moines River<br />

Valley (Figure 15). Among other things, the fill<br />

of the storage pits had contained scapula hoes,<br />

antler picks and rakes, corn kernels and cobs, and<br />

notable numbers of worked mussel shells (Figure<br />

16).<br />

As I excitedly thumbed into the Oxford English<br />

Dictionary and Webster's New World Dictionary in<br />

pursuit of the pun possibly perpetrated by Pilgrim<br />

perceptions of <strong>Indian</strong> ingenuity, I thought to<br />

myself, "It can't be true." I quickly found that,<br />

indeed, it was not true. Our present use of the<br />

English phrase "to shell"—as in corn, peas, or<br />

walnuts—comes from the Middle English schelle<br />

meaning "to peel"—as in "to remove [a seed]<br />

from its shell, husk, or pod." Worse than that, as<br />

far as the putatively post-Columbian pun was<br />

concerned, the Middle English schelle has a linguistic<br />

ancestry going all the way back to a<br />

reconstructed Indo-European base, *sqel-.<br />

The second and more serious question still<br />

remained. Could the worked mussel shell valves<br />

discovered in Oneota cache pits represent implements<br />

used in removing kernels from cobs as part<br />

of the green corn harvest ?<br />

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the<br />

contemporary ethnographic, historic, and archeological<br />

evidence for interpreting certain freshwater<br />

mussel valves as green corn shellers. This<br />

paper does not pretend to have captured all of<br />

the archeological examples or ethnographic analogs<br />

for clam shell corn shellers. My intent is<br />

rather to document the linkage of the archeological<br />

evidence with historic, as well as contemporary,<br />

behavior patterns and to focus attention on<br />

the social and ideological ramifications of these<br />

data.<br />

The methodological perspective employed in<br />

this paper is essentially that which is called the<br />

controlled ethnographic parallel or analogy. Ethnologists<br />

and social anthropologists typically use<br />

the method of controlled comparison (Eggan,<br />

1954) and have shown the utility of this approach<br />

in studying the archeology of the eastern United<br />

States (Eggan, 1952). Traditionally archeologists,<br />

spanning the gamut from the supposedly "old"<br />

to the presumably "new," have utilized this<br />

method in interpreting the function of artifacts,<br />

reconstructing culture history, and exploring theories<br />

of culture change (cf, Strong, 1936; Mott,

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