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Plains Indian Studies - Smithsonian Institution Libraries

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148 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY<br />

The details of processing green corn as told to<br />

me by Frank and Adeline Wanatee are similar in<br />

many ways to the observations made by Juanita<br />

Pudwill, who actually shelled green corn with<br />

another family at the Mesquakie Settlement. She<br />

(pers. comm., 1979) related as follows:<br />

During August on the Mesquakie Settlement, green corn<br />

is gathered, husked, and parboiled in large iron kettles over<br />

the open fire in an outside open framed hut. The kernels are<br />

removed from the cob and laid out on large sheets of plastic<br />

to dry in the sun. It is then stored for winter use.<br />

At the home where I was included during the harvest in<br />

the fall of 1976, it was the uncle's job to keep the fire and<br />

pots going. The corn was put in to boil at a certain time in<br />

the afternoon to make sure that things would be ready when<br />

the children were home from school. The harvest ceremony<br />

is for all members of the family to partake in. We all<br />

gathered in the front room, most of us sitting on the floor<br />

with a large old tablecloth draped over our legs. Everyone<br />

chose a mussel shell which would fit well into the palm of<br />

his or her hand. I, being right-handed, chose the shell to fit<br />

in that hand. The conch edge lies between the thumb and<br />

forefinger, with the sharp edge down. One presses the sharp<br />

edge down in between the rows of kernels and prys them<br />

out. The kernel must not be cut in removing it from the ear.<br />

The next day, the corn was laid out to dry and after drying,<br />

it would be put in containers ready for winter use.<br />

In this case it should be noted that the clam shell<br />

was held so that its interior surface faced towards<br />

the person shelling the corn. Thus the thumb was<br />

placed into the cavity or parallel to the hinge<br />

below the dorsal margin of the valve. The four<br />

fingers pressed in opposition on the exterior of the<br />

shell. The kernels of corn were detached from the<br />

cob with a motion that brought them towards the<br />

person engaged in shelling.<br />

Today some people at the Mesquakie Settlement<br />

use metal spoons for shelling corn. As noted<br />

previously (p. 142), Buffalobird-woman stated<br />

that metal spoons generally replaced clam shells<br />

as corn shellers among the Hidatsa in the late<br />

nineteenth and early twentieth century. The use<br />

of metal spoons has also been mentioned above<br />

for the Mesquakie earlier in this century and for<br />

the nineteenth-century Fox. Mary Goose (pers.<br />

comm., 1979), a Mesquakie and presently an<br />

undergraduate student majoring in anthropology<br />

at Iowa State University, indicated to me that<br />

her family shells green corn with metal spoons.<br />

Frank and Adeline Wanatee, however, prefer us­<br />

ing clam shells because, for them, the shells are<br />

easier to grasp and are less apt to cut into the<br />

kernels than are metal spoons. The Wanatees<br />

consider metal knives definitely undesirable for<br />

this purpose as opposed to this usage previously<br />

cited for the Iroquois and the Prairie Potawatomi.<br />

Metal knives, they contend, cut off the bases of<br />

the kernels. This results not only in wasting part<br />

of the corn but also in allowing the milk to flow<br />

out of the kernel. The Wanatees, and evidently<br />

most people who process green corn in this manner,<br />

want to preserve as much of the total nutrients<br />

as possible when the kernels are shelled off<br />

the cobs and dried for future consumption.<br />

Archeological Evidence of Clam Shell<br />

Corn Shellers<br />

The archeological specimens of worked mussel<br />

shells already referred to (p. 136) were collected at<br />

prehistoric Oneota sites along the central Des<br />

Moines River south of the city of Des Moines.<br />

These sites have been attributed to the Moingona<br />

Phase (Gradwohl, 1967; 1974:95-96), which is<br />

thought to extend from approximately A.D. 1000<br />

to 1500, although some radiocarbon assays date<br />

before and others after that range. The Moingona<br />

Phase is known from at least thirteen components<br />

demonstrated by surface collections, two components<br />

from tested sites, and four components<br />

that were more extensively excavated: 13PK1<br />

(Howard Goodhue site), 13WA2 (Clarkson site),<br />

13WA105 (Cribbs' Crib site), and 13MA30<br />

(Mohler Farm site). Since these sites are prehistoric,<br />

any ethnographic assignment is tenuous.<br />

Without opening Pandora's parfleche, my own<br />

hunch is that the people represented by the Moingona<br />

Phase were Chiwere Siouan speakers, most<br />

probably groups known historically as the loway<br />

or the Oto.<br />

The archeological residue recovered from the<br />

excavated sites of the Moingona Phase represent<br />

extensive horticultural activities. The ecofactual<br />

and archeological data, along with the appropriate<br />

ethnographic parallels or analogies, indicate<br />

that, among other things, the people inhabiting<br />

these sites were engaged in the growing, harvesting,<br />

storing, and processing of corn. These infer-

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