Ethnic Hostility among Ethnic Majority and Minority Groups

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7. EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT AND ETHNIC HOSTILITY † 7.1 INTRODUCTION 7. Educational Attainment and Ethnic Hostility | Introduction Non-western ethnic minorities in the Netherlands – as in most other western countries – have more often a disadvantaged position than the native population. They are in general lower educated, more often active in the lower echelons of the labour market, and unemployment rates are higher among non-western ethnic minority groups as well (Statistics Netherlands, 2008). The structural non-integration at the ethnic group level is persistent over time (Gijsberts, 2004; see also Chapter 5). Besides a structural dimension, integration also has a cultural dimension (Berry, 1997). Ethnic intermarriage is the fi nal step in the cultural integration process. Opposition to ethnically mixed relationships measures the preference for the own group and preferred ethnic distance towards other groups and is as such an attitudinal indicator of cultural integration. To what extent minorities identify themselves with their host country as opposed to their country of origin is also an important attitudinal indicator of the level of cultural integration. In this chapter we will investigate to what extent indicators of structural integration, such as educational attainment and involvement with the host country, are related to cultural integration, as expressed through views regarding ethnically mixed relationships and identifi cation with the host country. We will investigate the cultural integration among both fi rst and second generation migrants of the four major non-western ethnic groups in the Netherlands; the traditional guest workers groups of Turks and Moroccans, who are predominantly Muslim, and ethnic groups from the former Dutch colonies, Surinamese and Antilleans. Studies on ethnic hostility among Muslim minorities in western European countries hint that especially among seemingly high educated and also otherwise structurally well integrated Muslim minority members, Muslim fundamentalism is prevalent (Buijs et al., 2006; Werbner, 2001). In the Netherlands, higher educated minority members more often than lower educated migrants perceive that they or their group are being discriminated against and more often feel rejected by the host country (Gijsberts & Vervoort, 2009; Jaspers & Lubbers, 2005; Kessler, Mickelson, & Williams, 1999). Among Moroccans and Turks in Rotterdam, in particular the higher educated perceive larger cultural distance (Entzinger 2008) and compared to lower educated counterparts, higher educated Moroccans were found to be more prone to vote for the AEL, a political party which rejects the Dutch integration policies (Jaspers & Lubbers, 2005). These fi ndings may be regarded as somewhat contra-intuitive since it is often expected that cultural integration and structural integration go hand in hand (e.g. Alba & Nee, 2003; Gordon, 1964; Portes & Rumbaut, 1990) and since previous research consistently showed a negative effect of education on ethnic hostility, nationalism and far right-wing voting behaviour among native or dominant ethnic groups (Gijsberts et al., 2004; Lubbers, 2001; Quillian, 1996). Several authors therefore speak of an “integration paradox” (Buijs et al., 2006; Gijsberts & Vervoort, 2009). † A slightly different version of this chapter is currently under review, co-authors are Mérove Gijsberts and Marcel Lubbers. 143
Interestingly, most previous empirical studies among ethnic minorities reveal in particular a positive relation between education and perceived group discrimination or between the educational attainment of minorities and perceived ethnic hostility among natives, they do not refer to the relation between education and ethnic hostility among minorities towards the host country or natives. For an exception, see the study on stereotypes among ethnic minorities towards the indigenous population from Gijsberts and Dagevos (2007). As a result of this focus on meta-views and perceptions of discrimination, the effect of education on ethnic hostility among minority groups is not clear. Similarly, the effect of education on ethnic identifi cation is also ambiguous. Previous studies on this topic revealed inconsistent fi ndings. For example, where Nesdale (2002) has shown that migrants in Australia identify more to their ethnic group with higher educational levels, in France, the odds that higher educated migrants identify to France compared to their own ethnic group are higher than among lower educated migrants (Abu-Rayya, 2007). Previous studies thus raise questions regarding the assumed positive effect of education on (attitudinal indicators of) cultural integration. In this chapter we will investigate the link between educational attainment and involvement with the host country on opposition to ethnically mixed relationships (among both the majority group and ethnic minorities) and identifi cation with the country of origin versus the host country (for minority groups only). More specifi cally, we will focus on the direct and indirect effects of education on these two attitudinal indicators of cultural integration. The research question of this chapter reads: To what extent and why is educational attainment linked to indicators of both ethnic hostility among and cultural integration of ethnic minorities (i.e. opposition to ethnically mixed relationships and identifi cation with the country of origin)? We will use data from the Survey Integration of Minorities 2006 (SIM 2006), a unique large scale and representative data set among the major ethnic minority groups in the Netherlands and a Dutch control group. We derive hypotheses from theories that turned out to be dominant in explaining such attitudes among natives; Ethnic Competition Theory (Coenders et al., 2005; Scheepers et al., 2002) and Contact Theory (Allport, 1979 [1954]; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). Media usage and Cultivation Theory (Gerbner, 1969) have previously been offered as a possible explanation for the integration paradox (Gijsberts & Vervoort, 2009) and we will therefore theorise on media effects as well. Our study is innovative in several aspects. First, attitudes of ethnic minorities to the majority received relatively little attention, and we know no studies that focussed explicitly on (the differences in) educational attainment effects between natives and various ethnic groups of different generational statuses. In this chapter we will apply multiple mediator models to investigate to what extent education affects opposition to ethnically mixed relationships and ethnic identifi cation directly and indirectly (through mediator variables) (Preacher & Hayes, 2008). Second, although both opposition to ethnically mixed relationships and ethnic identifi cation may be regarded as indicators of cultural integration, to the best of our knowledge, they have never been investigated simultaneously before. In this chapter we study to what extent effects of indicators of structural integration on opposition to ethnically mixed relationships and ethnic identifi cation are comparable. Third, to asses the universality of our hypotheses we will test them 144
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ETHNIC HOSTILITY AMONG ETHNIC MAJOR
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Promotores: prof. dr. N. D. de Graa
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Science is so much more fun when yo
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3.4.1 Opposition to ethnic intermar
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8.3.1 Theoretical implications for
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1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 NEW QUESTIONS 1
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1. Introduction | New questions ski
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1. Introduction | The setting of th
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1. Introduction | Research question
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Table 1.1 Outline of empirical chap
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1. Introduction | Notes 27
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2. SOCIAL MOBILITY AND ETHNIC HOSTI
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2. Social Mobility and Ethnic Hosti
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social conformity favour more toler
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e more important than the infl uenc
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2.4 RESULTS 2. Social Mobility and
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1987). Assessment of the importance
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The actual ethnic competition withi
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(Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). Wagner e
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seven categories: no-religion, Roma
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the lower the opposition to ethnic
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Table 3.1 Hierarchical linear inter
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Table 3.2 Hierarchical linear inter
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In model 8 we focus on the characte
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Table 3.3 Comparison of explanatory
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3.5 CONCLUSIONS We observed a weak
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9. The models presented in this cha
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4. THE LOCAL LIVING ENVIRONMENT AND
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unit such as states or countries, w
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4. The Local Living Environment and
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4.4 RESULTS 4. The Local Living Env
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Table 4.2 continued Household compo
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Page 96 and 97: 5. TRENDS IN ETHNIC EDUCATIONAL INE
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8. Conclusion | Retrospect and pros
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8. Conclusion | Notes 195
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APPENDIX Appendix 197
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APPENDIX 2.2 DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS
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Appendix 2.3 continued Mobility typ
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APPENDIX 2.4 TUTORIAL DIAGONAL MOBI
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*********MEANS and OLS***********.
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impact on depY. *The relative impac
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Appendix *The impact of the destina
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vector d = d1 to d6. vector p = p1
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*and with constraints our model wou
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Appendix 215
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Appendix 3.1 continued father’s s
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APPENDIX 3.3 OPPOSITION TO ETHNIC I
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Appendix Appendix 4.1 continued Eco
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Appendix APPENDIX 4.3 VARIANCE COMP
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Appendix 5.1 continued Ethnicity N
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APPENDIX 5.3 ROBUSTNESS OF ES ASSOC
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Appendix APPENDIX 5.5 MULTI-NOMINAL
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Appendix 7.1 continued 2nd gen. 2nd
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Appendix 233
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Bibliography Abu-Rayya
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Bibliography Buijs, F. J., Demant,
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Bibliography (pp. 345-383). Oxford:
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Bibliography euthanasia, homosexual
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Bibliography Onderzoek (ISEO). Mart
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Bibliography Politics, 58(1), 41-72
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Bibliography Worchel (Eds.), The so
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Bibliography 249
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Summary in Dutch / Nederlandstalige
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CURRICULUM VITAE Curriculum Vitae J
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ICS DISSERTATION SERIES ICS dissert
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ICS dissertation series 37) Andreas
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ICS dissertation series 76) Inge Si
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ICS dissertation series 115) Martin
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Why do some individuals express mor
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