Ethnic Hostility among Ethnic Majority and Minority Groups

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8. Conclusion | Questions, results and conclusions of Part 2 were class-based and sex-based educational differentials have been diminishing, educational inequality is not generally declining between non-Western minority groups and the native Dutch. Clearly, we have to refute the hypotheses derived from the modernisation proposition; ethnic educational inequality did not decrease at all levels and all tracks. But is modernisation theory wrong? 4 Is a selection process based on ethnicity economically ineffi cient within educational institutions? Not if it is harder to judge the achievements and potential of minorities and there are suffi cient other perfect (or suitable) candidates without an ethnic minority background for the same position to choose from. And are selection criteria based on ethnicity (morally) sanctioned, not only de jure but also de facto? These are questions that need to be addressed in the future. In Chapter 5, I also showed that trends in ethnic educational inequality differ profoundly between ethnic groups. This illustrates the importance of a multi-ethnic group perspective. Based on my results it is not to be expected that inequality among second generation ethnic minorities and native Dutch will disappear at the secondary and tertiary educational levels for successive birth cohorts. Third generation ethnic minorities are now starting to attend school. Whether the third generation is going to perform better or worse than their second and fi rst generation counterparts remains to be seen. My results should temper the optimism of those who expect ethnic differences to dissolve for later generations or in due time. Even under a condition of saturation, the ethnic inequality in transition rates from secondary education to tertiary education did not diminish. This is a puzzling fi nding and needs further research attention. The detailed description of patterns of association between attained educational level and ethnicity also showed that ethnic inequality and cohort trends in it take different forms across vocational and general educational tracks of the same level. In line with the Effectively Maintained Inequality proposition, inequality is established qualitatively within tertiary education. Chapter 5 raised the question of how decisions of individual students contribute to the ethnic inequality observed. This question led to the study described in Chapter 6. 8.2.2 Explanations for Ethnic Educational Inequality Research questions of Chapter 6 Chapter 6 investigated how ethnicity affects the decision for a specifi c track in higher education. Building on the results of Chapter 5, I took the qualitatively differentiated structure of the Dutch educational system in general university tracks and vocational tracks of professional colleges into account. I also took into account that tracks, at both university and professional college, differ in study fi elds. My point of departure was the Breen-Goldthorpe model. According to this model, students’ transition decisions are based on the expected direct and indirect costs associated with each transition choice, on their subjective beliefs about the utility of educational outcomes, and on subjective beliefs about the likelihood of success in the different available track options. The beliefs of expected future academic success are likely to be infl uenced by factors other than ability, such as knowledge of the schooling system and preferred study effort. If students with the same demonstrated ability but with different ethnic backgrounds have different expectations of future 183
school success, this may account to some extent for existing ethnic educational differentials. The research question I set out to answer in Chapter 6 was: To what extent do subjective estimates of success probabilities explain the effect of social origin, sex and ethnicity on students’ choices between different school tracks in Dutch higher education? Parents of ethnic minority pupils are less likely to have experienced the Dutch school system than parents of native Dutch pupils. Chapter 5 shows that pupils with a non-Western ethnic heritage remain underrepresented in tertiary education. They will have fewer ethnic role models from which information regarding tertiary education could be derived. I therefore assumed that ethnic minority students tend to have less knowledge of the Dutch schooling system than the native Dutch, and that as a consequence they may be less aware that there is more than ability which makes for a successful academic career. Hence I expected their beliefs of future success to be more heavily infl uenced by ability than the success probabilities of native Dutch students. Since I expected differences in success probabilities across social groups, ethnic groups, and male and female students, even after controlling for previous demonstrated ability, I expected these probabilities to explain (in part) the effect of social origin, sex and ethnicity on students’ choices between different levels of schooling and fi elds of study in higher education. Results of Chapter 6 Previously demonstrated academic ability is an important – albeit not perfect – determinant of the subjective likelihood of future academic success. Pupils from more advantaged social backgrounds have higher expectations of success, and this is largely due to their better demonstrated ability. Women have lower expectations of success for science fi elds than men, but higher expectations for non-science fi elds, even after taking ability differences into account. I also showed that Turks and Moroccans expect to have more success in higher education than native Dutch counterparts with similar ability levels, but that, contrary to my expectations, this is not because higher grades increase expectations faster for these ethnic groups. 5 Still, differences in success probabilities were relatively small across ethnic groups compared to differences across social origin or sex. Future research should try to clarify the mechanisms of why ethnic groups and male and female students differ in their expectations of future school success. Success probabilities explain to a large degree the effect of sex and parental income on choice of study fi eld, as expected. However, success probabilities could not explain differences across ethnic groups in choice of study fi eld. Also contrary to my expectations, success probabilities do not explain the effect of ascribed characteristics on the choice between general and vocational tracks. The latter fi nding clearly contradicts the Breen-Goldthorpe model. Conclusion of Chapter 6 The Breen-Goldthorpe model is a very promising theoretical framework for the explanation of school transition decisions. The assumption within this model that ability is a suffi cient indicator for students’ success probabilities needs to be relaxed though, since in the fi rst place ascribed 184
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ETHNIC HOSTILITY AMONG ETHNIC MAJOR
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Promotores: prof. dr. N. D. de Graa
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Science is so much more fun when yo
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3.4.1 Opposition to ethnic intermar
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8.3.1 Theoretical implications for
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1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 NEW QUESTIONS 1
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1. Introduction | New questions ski
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1. Introduction | The setting of th
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1. Introduction | Research question
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Table 1.1 Outline of empirical chap
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1. Introduction | Notes 27
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2. SOCIAL MOBILITY AND ETHNIC HOSTI
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2. Social Mobility and Ethnic Hosti
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social conformity favour more toler
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e more important than the infl uenc
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2.4 RESULTS 2. Social Mobility and
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1987). Assessment of the importance
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The actual ethnic competition withi
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(Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). Wagner e
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seven categories: no-religion, Roma
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the lower the opposition to ethnic
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Table 3.1 Hierarchical linear inter
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Table 3.2 Hierarchical linear inter
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In model 8 we focus on the characte
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Table 3.3 Comparison of explanatory
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3.5 CONCLUSIONS We observed a weak
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9. The models presented in this cha
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4. THE LOCAL LIVING ENVIRONMENT AND
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unit such as states or countries, w
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4. The Local Living Environment and
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4.4 RESULTS 4. The Local Living Env
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Table 4.2 continued Household compo
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5. TRENDS IN ETHNIC EDUCATIONAL INE
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5. Trends in Ethnic Educational Ine
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the worsening economic conditions o
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Table 5.3 continued Male (Female=re
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Table 5.4 continued Male (Female= r
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6. EXPLANATIONS FOR ETHNIC EDUCATIO
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To answer our research questions, w
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6. Explanations for Ethnic Educatio
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Table 6.1 continued Pre-university
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Table 6.2 continued Lower general t
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Page 174 and 175: 8.2 QUESTIONS, RESULTS AND CONCLUSI
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Page 190 and 191: 8. Conclusion | Theoretical implica
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Page 194 and 195: 8. Conclusion | Retrospect and pros
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Page 198 and 199: APPENDIX Appendix 197
Page 200 and 201: APPENDIX 2.2 DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS
Page 202 and 203: Appendix 2.3 continued Mobility typ
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Page 218 and 219: Appendix 3.1 continued father’s s
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Page 222 and 223: Appendix Appendix 4.1 continued Eco
Page 224 and 225: Appendix APPENDIX 4.3 VARIANCE COMP
Page 226 and 227: Appendix 5.1 continued Ethnicity N
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Page 230 and 231: Appendix APPENDIX 5.5 MULTI-NOMINAL
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Appendix 233
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Bibliography Abu-Rayya
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Bibliography Buijs, F. J., Demant,
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Bibliography (pp. 345-383). Oxford:
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Bibliography euthanasia, homosexual
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Bibliography Onderzoek (ISEO). Mart
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Bibliography Politics, 58(1), 41-72
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Bibliography Worchel (Eds.), The so
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Bibliography 249
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Summary in Dutch / Nederlandstalige
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CURRICULUM VITAE Curriculum Vitae J
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ICS DISSERTATION SERIES ICS dissert
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ICS dissertation series 37) Andreas
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ICS dissertation series 76) Inge Si
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ICS dissertation series 115) Martin
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Why do some individuals express mor
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