Ethnic Hostility among Ethnic Majority and Minority Groups

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1. Introduction | Research questions and outline of this book ethnic hostility are commonly grounded in Ethnic Competition Theory or Contact Theory. Chapter 4 analyses to what extent these theoretical approaches lead to similar or contradictory propositions regarding the impact of the locality and to what extent explanations for ethnic hostility may be generalised to indicators of social cohesion that do not form part of ethnic hostility and vice versa. Although localities have repeatedly been put forward as important contexts for social cohesion (cf. Putnam, 2007; Sampson, Morenoff, & Gannon-Rowley, 2002; Volker, Flap, & Lindenberg, 2007), the argument for whom localities matter is less well developed. Building on my results of Chapter 3, I will argue in Chapter 4 that the impact of the community on indicators of social cohesion very likely depends on characteristics of its residents such as ethnic background, income and educational degree. The research question that I will address in Chapter 4 is: To what extent, and for whom, do ethnic and economic heterogeneity, economic affl uence, crime rates and residential mobility within Dutch neighbourhoods and municipalities affect indicators of social cohesion (i.e. contact frequency with one’s neighbours, tolerance towards a neighbour from a different race, generalised social trust and volunteering)? Chapter 4 builds on Chapter 3 in three important ways. First I will assess the impact of different locality characteristics. This time theoretically relevant characteristics from the Homophily Principle are identifi ed. Second, in Chapter 3, I will assess to what extent different indicators of ethnic hostility are affected differently by the locality. In Chapter 4, I will investigate to what degree explanatory models and the theoretical frameworks for ethnic hostility could also be applied to explain other indicators of social cohesion not related to ethnic hostility. Third, both Chapters 3 and 4 will take into account a multi-ethnic group perspective but in different and complementary ways. Whereas Chapter 3 analyses the impact of locality characteristics on ethnic hostility among natives directed towards different ethnic outgroups, Chapter 4 investigates the impact of the locality on ethnic hostility and other social cohesion indicators among both the native Dutch population and among different ethnic-minority groups. 1.3.2 Part 2: Educational Attainment and Ethnic Hostility among Ethnic Minorities Chapter 5, Trends in Ethnic Educational Inequality Previous research has shown that the mean educational level of ethnic minorities has steadily increased, even faster than among the native Dutch (Gijsberts, 2004; Statistics Netherlands, 2005; Tesser, 1995). This does not necessarily mean that, in general, ethnic inequality of educational opportunities has been declining. A detailed description of trends in ethnic inequality of educational opportunities has been missing. Distributions of educational attainments have been linked to the effect of education on ethnic hostility and the effect of educational attainment on ethnic hostility among ethnic minorities is by no means clear. In Chapter 5, Trends in Ethnic Educational Inequality, I will commence on a detailed description of trends in educational differentials across the major ethnic groups in the Netherlands. After having investigated more in depth the reasons 21
for ethnicity-based educational inequality in Chapter 6, I will return in Chapter 7 to explaining ethnic hostility among ethnic minorities and the role played by educational attainment herein. Educational inequality may take on different guises. According to Raftery and Hout (1993), at times of educational expansion, educational inequality will only decrease at educational levels where enrolment of the elite stratum has been saturated. Otherwise, the dominant groups in society will profi t more from educational expansion than the less privileged, whereby inequality is (maximally) maintained. The educational levels in the Dutch educational system are qualitatively differentiated into vocational and general tracks. It is thus possible that once saturation has been reached at a given educational level, inequalities of attaining that level may be replaced by inequalities in enrolment in the more selective track. In this way, inequality is effectively maintained (Lucas, 2001). In Chapter 5, acknowledging the possible different forms of ethnic educational inequality, I will investigate to what degree ethnic educational inequality is maintained, both maximally (across levels) and effectively (across general and professionallyoriented tracks within the same level). During one’s school career many transition decisions have to be made. The literature on class-based educational differentials has recognised since long that the inequality across classes in fi nal educational attainment is the end product of the differences in educational opportunities during the complete school career (De Graaf & Wolbers, 2003; Mare, 1980). Trends among ethnic groups in transition decisions have hardly received any attention so far (for an exception, see: Kalmijn & Kraaykamp, 2003). I will therefore investigate (trends in) ethnic differences in transition decisions after primary school and after higher general secondary school, next to studying trends in fi nal educational attainment in Chapter 5. The four largest ethnic minority groups in the Netherlands have a less favourable social background that the native Dutch (Statistics Netherlands, 2008). Parental social background is a strong determinant of children’s educational achievement, both among the native Dutch and ethnic minority groups (Shavit & Blossfeld, 1993; Wolbers & Driessen, 1996). Up to now, however, it is unclear how much the differences in social background account for the differences in achieved educational level and educational transition decisions across ethnic groups. The above considerations have led to the following research question of Chapter 5: What are the birth cohort trends across ethnic groups in fi nal educational attainment and in the transition decisions after primary school and higher general secondary school, and to what extent does parental social background explain these differences? The results of Chapter 5 have triggered new questions on differences between ethnic groups in their school career, which has resulted in the study presented in Chapter 6. Chapter 6, Explanations for Ethnic Educational Inequality Differences observed at the ethnic-group level at branching points in the educational career are the result of differences in decisions made by individuals. In Chapter 6, Explanations for Ethnic Educational Inequality, I will investigate how and why ethnicity affects the decision for a specifi c 22
Page 1 and 2: ETHNIC HOSTILITY AMONG ETHNIC MAJOR
Page 3: Promotores: prof. dr. N. D. de Graa
Page 6 and 7: Science is so much more fun when yo
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Page 14 and 15: 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 NEW QUESTIONS 1
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Page 26 and 27: Table 1.1 Outline of empirical chap
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Page 36 and 37: social conformity favour more toler
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Page 42 and 43: 2.4 RESULTS 2. Social Mobility and
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Page 51 and 52: 1987). Assessment of the importance
Page 53 and 54: The actual ethnic competition withi
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Page 57 and 58: seven categories: no-religion, Roma
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4. THE LOCAL LIVING ENVIRONMENT AND
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unit such as states or countries, w
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4. The Local Living Environment and
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4.4 RESULTS 4. The Local Living Env
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Table 4.2 continued Household compo
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5. TRENDS IN ETHNIC EDUCATIONAL INE
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5. Trends in Ethnic Educational Ine
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the worsening economic conditions o
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Table 5.3 continued Male (Female=re
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Table 5.4 continued Male (Female= r
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6. EXPLANATIONS FOR ETHNIC EDUCATIO
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To answer our research questions, w
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6. Explanations for Ethnic Educatio
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Table 6.1 continued Pre-university
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Table 6.2 continued Lower general t
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Model 4 includes both the ability m
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7. EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT AND ETHNI
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among four ethnic minority groups i
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7. Educational Attainment and Ethni
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Table 7.1 Summary of hypotheses Cor
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Table 7.2 continued Control variabl
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Table 7.3 continued 2nd gen. Turks
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Table 7.4 continued 2nd gen. Turks
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8. CONCLUSION 8.1 INTRODUCTION 8. C
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8.2 QUESTIONS, RESULTS AND CONCLUSI
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8. Conclusion | Questions, results
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local living environments (on ethni
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8. Conclusion | Theoretical implica
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ethnic hosting threat contact / res
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8. Conclusion | Retrospect and pros
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8. Conclusion | Notes 195
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APPENDIX Appendix 197
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APPENDIX 2.2 DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS
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Appendix 2.3 continued Mobility typ
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APPENDIX 2.4 TUTORIAL DIAGONAL MOBI
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*********MEANS and OLS***********.
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impact on depY. *The relative impac
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Appendix *The impact of the destina
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vector d = d1 to d6. vector p = p1
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*and with constraints our model wou
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Appendix 215
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Appendix 3.1 continued father’s s
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APPENDIX 3.3 OPPOSITION TO ETHNIC I
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Appendix Appendix 4.1 continued Eco
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Appendix APPENDIX 4.3 VARIANCE COMP
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Appendix 5.1 continued Ethnicity N
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APPENDIX 5.3 ROBUSTNESS OF ES ASSOC
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Appendix APPENDIX 5.5 MULTI-NOMINAL
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Appendix 7.1 continued 2nd gen. 2nd
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Appendix 233
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Bibliography Abu-Rayya
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Bibliography Buijs, F. J., Demant,
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Bibliography (pp. 345-383). Oxford:
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Bibliography euthanasia, homosexual
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Bibliography Onderzoek (ISEO). Mart
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Bibliography Politics, 58(1), 41-72
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Bibliography Worchel (Eds.), The so
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Bibliography 249
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Summary in Dutch / Nederlandstalige
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CURRICULUM VITAE Curriculum Vitae J
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ICS DISSERTATION SERIES ICS dissert
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ICS dissertation series 37) Andreas
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ICS dissertation series 76) Inge Si
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ICS dissertation series 115) Martin
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Why do some individuals express mor
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Ethnic Hostility among Ethnic Majority and Minority Groups

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