Ethnic Hostility among Ethnic Majority and Minority Groups

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8. Conclusion | Questions, results and conclusions of Part 2 characteristics infl uence success probabilities next to previous demonstrated ability (although for reasons as yet unknown), and secondly since success probabilities explain the impact of ascribed characteristics on school transition decisions better than demonstrated ability. Future research should try to shed more light into why ascribed characteristics like social origin, sex and ethnicity affect expectations of success in the educational system. Subjective success probabilities explain differentials in choice of study fi eld across social origins and between the sexes. However, ethnicity’s effect on school transition decisions cannot be explained by either differences in the perceived costs of studying, educational aspirations or success probabilities. Why the Breen-Goldthorpe model is less applicable to ethnic minority groups remains unclear. This puzzling fi nding warrants further academic attention. The educational integration of ethnic minorities is lacking, as evidenced in Chapter 5. In Chapter 6 I showed that a theory with considerable merits for explaining school transition decisions of students from different social backgrounds or sexes is less applicable towards explaining the school transition decisions of ethnic minority students. Why would this be so? The fi ndings of both Chapters 5 and 6 raise more doubts as to whether the effect of educational attainment on ethnic hostility is similar across ethnic groups. This was the subject of Chapter 7. 8.2.3 Educational Attainment and Ethnic Hostility Research questions of Chapter 7 Educational attainment has consistently been shown to be an important determinant of ethnic hostility among the native population. The analyses presented in Part 1 of this book once again confi rm this conclusion, although of course here I also showed that social mobility experiences and locality characteristics have a substantial impact on ethnic hostility. The results of Part 1 and the fi rst two chapters of Part 2 begged the question of the extent of which and why educational attainment affects indicators of ethnic hostility and of the related phenomenon of cultural integration (i.e. opposition to ethnically mixed relationships, identifi cation with the country of origin) among ethnic minority groups. The question regarding the link between educational integration and indicators of cultural integration can also be traced back to the fi ndings of mostly qualitative studies regarding a presumed integration paradox among ethnic minority groups (Buijs et al., 2006; Werbner, 2001). Higher-educated minorities supposedly perceive more discrimination, not less; express more, not less ethnic hostility; and identify more, not less, with their country of origin. This is considered somewhat counterintuitive since, as said before, educational attainment has consistently been shown to be negatively related to ethnic hostility, nationalism and far rightwing voting behaviour among native populations. However, most previous quantitative empirical studies among ethnic minorities addressing the integration paradox focus on meta-views and perceptions of discrimination (e.g. Gijsberts & Vervoort, 2009; Jaspers & Lubbers, 2005). The effect of education on ethnic hostility among minority groups and on identifi cation with the host country had remained unclear. The research question I set out to answer in Chapter 7 was therefore: To what extent and why is educational integration linked to the cultural integration (i.e. opposition to ethnically mixed relationships and identifi cation with the country of origin) of ethnic minorities? 185
To derive hypotheses I once again used Ethnic Competition Theory and Contact Theory. The starting point of Chapter 7 was that the causal mechanisms for cultural integration among ethnic minorities, as expressed through views regarding ethnically mixed relationships and identifi cations with the country of origin, should be similar to the causal mechanisms which lead to ethnic hostility among native populations. I expected that higher educated minorities would perceive less ethnic threat, would have more positive and fewer negative contact experiences, and would be more involved with their host country and less involved with their origin country. This in turn would explain why higher educated minorities are more culturally integrated (i.e. are less opposed to ethnically mixed relationships and identify less with their country of origin). Results of Chapter 7 In Chapter 7 I found that, in general, educational achievement was substantially more weakly related to ethnic hostility (i.e. opposition to ethnically mixed relationships) for minority groups than for the native Dutch. I could not identify a negative effect of education on opposition to ethnically mixed relationships for second generation minorities. This fi nding, which is in line with the previously observed integration paradox, could be explained by the fact that second generation minorities (especially Turks and Moroccans) do not experience more positive and fewer negative contacts with the native Dutch the higher their educational level. In contrast to what I expected on the basis of Ethnic Competition Theory, ethnic group threats did not explain the effect of education among ethnic minorities. On the other hand, I found extensive corroborative evidence for Contact Theory among both ethnic minority groups and the native Dutch. Contact in leisure time is negatively related to opposition to ethnically mixed relationships and to identifi cation with country of origin among all ethnic groups. Also in line with Contact Theory, negative contact is positively related to opposition to ethnically mixed marriages and to identifi cation with country of origin. Higher educated minorities generally consume more Dutch media than their lower educated counterparts. Dutch media usage is negatively related to ethnic hostility and to identifi cation with the country of origin. Only for second generation Moroccans did I fi nd supportive evidence for the claim that Dutch media usage is a feeding source for ethnic hostility. The unique position of second generation Moroccans in this respect may be due to the fact that Moroccans are evaluated most negatively by the native Dutch in comparison to Turks and Surinamese/Antilleans (see results of Chapter 3). Conclusion of Chapter 7 Second-generation migrants are less opposed to ethnically mixed relationships and identify more with the Netherlands than their fi rst generation counterparts. However, educational attainment does not have the expected negative impact on ethnic hostility among ethnic minorities of second generational status. For second generation Turks and Moroccans this is somewhat worrisome, since these groups are still relatively opposed to ethnically mixed relationships. However, the term integration paradox should be used with care, since I did not fi nd a general positive relationship between education and a lack of cultural integration, rather a weak or absent negative effect. 186
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ETHNIC HOSTILITY AMONG ETHNIC MAJOR
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Promotores: prof. dr. N. D. de Graa
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Science is so much more fun when yo
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3.4.1 Opposition to ethnic intermar
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8.3.1 Theoretical implications for
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1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 NEW QUESTIONS 1
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1. Introduction | New questions ski
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1. Introduction | The setting of th
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1. Introduction | Research question
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Table 1.1 Outline of empirical chap
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1. Introduction | Notes 27
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2. SOCIAL MOBILITY AND ETHNIC HOSTI
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2. Social Mobility and Ethnic Hosti
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social conformity favour more toler
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e more important than the infl uenc
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2.4 RESULTS 2. Social Mobility and
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1987). Assessment of the importance
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The actual ethnic competition withi
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(Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). Wagner e
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seven categories: no-religion, Roma
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the lower the opposition to ethnic
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Table 3.1 Hierarchical linear inter
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Table 3.2 Hierarchical linear inter
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In model 8 we focus on the characte
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Table 3.3 Comparison of explanatory
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3.5 CONCLUSIONS We observed a weak
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9. The models presented in this cha
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4. THE LOCAL LIVING ENVIRONMENT AND
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unit such as states or countries, w
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4. The Local Living Environment and
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4.4 RESULTS 4. The Local Living Env
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Table 4.2 continued Household compo
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5. TRENDS IN ETHNIC EDUCATIONAL INE
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5. Trends in Ethnic Educational Ine
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the worsening economic conditions o
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Table 5.3 continued Male (Female=re
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Table 5.4 continued Male (Female= r
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6. EXPLANATIONS FOR ETHNIC EDUCATIO
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To answer our research questions, w
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6. Explanations for Ethnic Educatio
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Table 6.1 continued Pre-university
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Table 6.2 continued Lower general t
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Page 198 and 199: APPENDIX Appendix 197
Page 200 and 201: APPENDIX 2.2 DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Bibliography Abu-Rayya
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Bibliography Buijs, F. J., Demant,
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Bibliography (pp. 345-383). Oxford:
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Bibliography euthanasia, homosexual
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Bibliography Onderzoek (ISEO). Mart
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Bibliography Politics, 58(1), 41-72
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Bibliography Worchel (Eds.), The so
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Bibliography 249
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Summary in Dutch / Nederlandstalige
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CURRICULUM VITAE Curriculum Vitae J
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ICS DISSERTATION SERIES ICS dissert
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ICS dissertation series 37) Andreas
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ICS dissertation series 76) Inge Si
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ICS dissertation series 115) Martin
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Why do some individuals express mor
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