Ethnic Hostility among Ethnic Majority and Minority Groups

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1. Introduction | Research questions and outline of this book alienation and a loss in social and personal control, in other words to a state of anomie (Durkheim, 1987 [1897]). Several scholars suggest that this ‘negativity’ or frustration as a result of social mobility may fi nd a release in hostility towards ethnic outgroups (scapegoating) (e.g Bettelheim & Janovitch, 1964). However, up to now no study has satisfactorily addressed the effect of social mobility on ethnic hostility. Recent contributions on the mobility-ethnic hostility relationship are simply lacking. In Chapter 2, Social Mobility and Ethnic Hostility, I investigate the impact of social mobility on three indicators of ethnic hostility: ethnic stereotypes, feelings of ethnic threat and opposition to ethnic intermarriage. The central research question of this chapter reads: To what extent does intergenerational educational and class mobility affect ethnic hostility (i.e. stereotypes, feelings of ethnic threat and opposition to ethnic intermarriage)? Standard statistical methods are inadequate for modelling mobility effects. In chapter 2, I will therefore make use of diagonal mobility models. With diagonal mobility models it is possible to assess the relative importance of social origin versus social destination and to simultaneously and parsimoniously represent both mobility effects, which depend on specifi c origin and destination combinations, and mobility effects that are independent of specifi c origin and destination combinations. This chapter thus takes on what I have called a dynamic approach; I will not only investigate the impact of present characteristics of individuals but also the impact of fathers’ social position and of social mobility. Chapter 3, The Local Living Environment and Ethnic Hostility It has been recognised previously that next to individual characteristics, so-called contextual characteristics also affect levels of ethnic hostility. However, so far only the impact of a very limited set of contextual characteristics on ethnic hostility has been explored. Moreover, until very recently this ‘context’ had mostly been operationalised as the nation-state or other relatively large geographical units such as regions or districts (e.g. Evans & Need, 2002; Poppe & Hagendoorn, 2003; Quillian, 1995, 1996; Scheepers et al., 2002; Semyonov, Raijman, & Gorodzeisky, 2006; Wagner, Christ, Pettigrew, Stellmacher, & Wolf, 2006), and the impact of smaller geographical units like municipalities and neighbourhoods received relatively little attention (for exceptions, see: Gijsberts & Dagevos, 2004; Lubbers et al., 2006). Empirical results from previous research regarding the impact of the size of the ethnic outgroup in the locale on ethnic hostility have been inconsistent (Gijsberts & Dagevos, 2004; Lubbers et al., 2006; Oliver & Mendelberg, 2000; Quillian, 1995; Semyonov et al., 2006; Taylor, 1998). This inconsistency could be due to the different geographical localities in the analyses, the use of different indicators of ethnic hostility and the limited contextual characteristics included in the explanatory models next to relative outgroup size. In Chapter 3, The Local Living Environment and Ethnic Hostility, it is my aim to address these lacunae and inconsistencies of previous research by investigating the impact of a wide array of characteristics of neighbourhoods and municipalities on different indicators of ethnic hostility. To identify theoretically relevant characteristics of the local living environment, I 19
will rely on Ethnic Competition Theory and Contact Theory. According to Ethnic Competition Theory, perceptions of ethnic group competition induce feelings of group threat which in turn may ignite ethnic hostility (Coenders, 2001; Coser, 1956). I argue that characteristics of the local environment are likely to affect perceptions of ethnic competition and ethnic threat and hence ethnic hostility. Actual group competition may be over economic resources, power, cultural resources and collective identity (Blalock, 1967; Tajfel, 1982). The relative importance of the different types of competition is however unclear and deserves more scientifi c attention (Taylor, 1998). The above considerations have led to the following research question: To what extent do characteristics of Dutch neighbourhoods and municipalities related to economic, cultural or safety threats affect ethnic hostility (i.e. opposition to ethnic intermarriage, reluctance to grant residence permits to migrants and negative views on the multicultural society)? Chapter 3 thus researches the relative importance of locality characteristics related to different types of ethnic competition (i.e. economic, cultural and physical) on indicators of ethnic hostility, thereby hoping to shed more light on the threat response. I will also investigate to what extent the impact of specifi c locality characteristics depends on the particular locality, on the inclusion or exclusion of other contextual characteristics in the explanatory model, and on the indicator of ethnic hostility under consideration. As part of the multi-ethnic group perspective of this book, I will investigate in detail whether the relative size of a specifi c ethnic group within the locality is predominantly correlated to opposition to marriages with this specifi c ethnic-minority group. This enables more stringent tests of the derived hypotheses and makes it possible to assess the generalisability of our explanatory models. Chapter 4, The Local Living Environment and Indicators of Social Cohesion Ethnic tolerance, the opposite of ethnic hostility, is one of the many possible indicators of the level of social cohesion between ethnic groups. Social cohesion may be regarded as the interconnectedness of (or ties between) individuals that is both the result of, and cause for, the quality of public and civic life, feelings of commitment and trust, norms of reciprocity, and participation in networks and civic organisations (see Chan, To, & Chan, 2006 for a more thorough discussion of the concept of social cohesion). Whatever deteriorates trust in general presumably also increases hostility towards ethnic outgroups (Sniderman, Peri, De Figueiredo, & Piazza, 2000b), and according to Putnam’s constrict proposition (Putnam, 2007), the proximity of ethnic outgroups in the locality not only deteriorates trust in members of ethnic outgroups but also deteriorates trust in members of the ingroup, consequently endangering both social cohesion between and within ethnic groups. Propositions regarding the level of social cohesion are commonly derived from the homophily principle; like seeks like (Lazarsfeld & Merton, 1954; McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001). People prefer to interact with similar others, with others who share the same ethnic heritage, have the same social status and thus share experiences and tastes. Explanations for 20
Page 1 and 2: ETHNIC HOSTILITY AMONG ETHNIC MAJOR
Page 3: Promotores: prof. dr. N. D. de Graa
Page 6 and 7: Science is so much more fun when yo
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Page 14 and 15: 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 NEW QUESTIONS 1
Page 16 and 17: 1. Introduction | New questions ski
Page 18 and 19: 1. Introduction | The setting of th
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Page 26 and 27: Table 1.1 Outline of empirical chap
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Page 32 and 33: 2. SOCIAL MOBILITY AND ETHNIC HOSTI
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Page 36 and 37: social conformity favour more toler
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Page 42 and 43: 2.4 RESULTS 2. Social Mobility and
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Page 51 and 52: 1987). Assessment of the importance
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Page 57 and 58: seven categories: no-religion, Roma
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Page 63 and 64: Table 3.2 Hierarchical linear inter
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Page 67 and 68: Table 3.3 Comparison of explanatory
Page 69 and 70: 3.5 CONCLUSIONS We observed a weak
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9. The models presented in this cha
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4. THE LOCAL LIVING ENVIRONMENT AND
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unit such as states or countries, w
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4. The Local Living Environment and
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4.4 RESULTS 4. The Local Living Env
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Table 4.2 continued Household compo
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5. TRENDS IN ETHNIC EDUCATIONAL INE
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5. Trends in Ethnic Educational Ine
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the worsening economic conditions o
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Table 5.3 continued Male (Female=re
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Table 5.4 continued Male (Female= r
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6. EXPLANATIONS FOR ETHNIC EDUCATIO
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To answer our research questions, w
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6. Explanations for Ethnic Educatio
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Table 6.1 continued Pre-university
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Table 6.2 continued Lower general t
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Model 4 includes both the ability m
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7. EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT AND ETHNI
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among four ethnic minority groups i
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7. Educational Attainment and Ethni
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Table 7.1 Summary of hypotheses Cor
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Table 7.2 continued Control variabl
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Table 7.3 continued 2nd gen. Turks
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Table 7.4 continued 2nd gen. Turks
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8. CONCLUSION 8.1 INTRODUCTION 8. C
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8.2 QUESTIONS, RESULTS AND CONCLUSI
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8. Conclusion | Questions, results
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local living environments (on ethni
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8. Conclusion | Theoretical implica
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ethnic hosting threat contact / res
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8. Conclusion | Retrospect and pros
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8. Conclusion | Notes 195
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APPENDIX Appendix 197
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APPENDIX 2.2 DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS
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Appendix 2.3 continued Mobility typ
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APPENDIX 2.4 TUTORIAL DIAGONAL MOBI
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*********MEANS and OLS***********.
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impact on depY. *The relative impac
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Appendix *The impact of the destina
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vector d = d1 to d6. vector p = p1
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*and with constraints our model wou
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Appendix 215
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Appendix 3.1 continued father’s s
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APPENDIX 3.3 OPPOSITION TO ETHNIC I
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Appendix Appendix 4.1 continued Eco
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Appendix APPENDIX 4.3 VARIANCE COMP
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Appendix 5.1 continued Ethnicity N
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APPENDIX 5.3 ROBUSTNESS OF ES ASSOC
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Appendix APPENDIX 5.5 MULTI-NOMINAL
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Appendix 7.1 continued 2nd gen. 2nd
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Appendix 233
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Bibliography Abu-Rayya
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Bibliography Buijs, F. J., Demant,
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Bibliography (pp. 345-383). Oxford:
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Bibliography euthanasia, homosexual
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Bibliography Onderzoek (ISEO). Mart
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Bibliography Politics, 58(1), 41-72
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Bibliography Worchel (Eds.), The so
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Bibliography 249
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Summary in Dutch / Nederlandstalige
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CURRICULUM VITAE Curriculum Vitae J
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ICS DISSERTATION SERIES ICS dissert
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ICS dissertation series 37) Andreas
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ICS dissertation series 76) Inge Si
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ICS dissertation series 115) Martin
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Why do some individuals express mor
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