Ethnic Hostility among Ethnic Majority and Minority Groups

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ethnic hosting threat contact / residential mobility 8. Conclusion | Theoretical implications for Ethnic Competition Theory and Contact Theory: new questions outgroup size threat Figure 8.1. Conditional curvilinear effects of outgroup size on ethnic hostility contact / residential mobility Hostility reduction as a result of positive contact experiences, ethnic hostility formation due to perceptions of threat, and selective residential mobility only constitute a part of my explanation for the relationship between outgroup sizes within the locality and level of ethnic hostility. Considered on their own, Contact Theory and Ethnic Competition Theory would lead to contradictory hypotheses regarding the impact of ethnic outgroup sizes within the locality. To deduce contradictory hypotheses from established theoretical frameworks is something to strive for, since they commonly pinpoint where something in our understanding and our theories has gone awry. Empirically testing contradictory hypotheses normally shows us which theory is wrong and which one is right (or more wrong/right than the other). However, neither Ethnic Competition Theory nor Contact Theory is wrong – ‘just’ underspecifi ed. Perceptions of threat will lead to more ethnic hostility, all else being equal. And under ceteris paribus conditions, positive contact experiences will lead to a reduction in ethnic hostility. Of course the problem is that larger outgroup sizes within the locality both induce perceptions of threat and increase the likelihood of positive contact experiences. Statements like ‘the more A the more B the more C’ should be made more informative (cf. Ultee, 1974): to what extent do larger outgroup sizes lead to perceptions of ethnic threat and positive contact experiences?, and to what extent do perceptions of threat and positive contact experience increase or decrease ethnic hostility? Moreover, I argue that Ethnic Competition Theory and Contact Theory cannot be considered on their own, since levels of threat cannot be held constant with changing levels of contact experiences and vice versa; perceived threat and contact experiences affect one poor rich 191
another. Ethnic Competition Theory and Contact Theory should be incorporated into one formal theoretical framework. Note that an integration of the propositions of Contact Theory and Ethnic Competition Theory is not new. Stephan and Stephan integrated contact experiences and threat in their Integrated Threat Theory (Stephan & Stephan, 2000); positive contact diminishes threat. And Robert Park already recognised and explicated within his assimilation theory that for actual competition between ethnic groups to exist there has to be (negative) contact between members of these groups (Park, 1950). 8 It may be clear that residential mobility should also be taken into account within this new integrated and formalised theoretical framework. Thus following Chapters 3 and 4, I would argue that future research should investigate when (depending on ethnic outgroup sizes within the locale), for whom (the rich and the poor, the higher educated and the lower educated), to what extent and why the threat mechanisms and contact mechanisms come to the fore – ideally, guided by hypotheses deduced from a formal theoretical model that incorporates Ethnic Competition Theory, Contact Theory and selective residential mobility. 8.3.2 Theoretical implications for Ethnic Competition Theory and Contact Theory from Part 2 In Chapter 7, I did not fi nd corroborative evidence for the expectation derived from Ethnic Competition Theory that ethnic minorities who perceive group discrimination would be more opposed to ethnically mixed relationships and would more strongly identify with their country of origin. One could argue that perceptions of group discrimination are empirically and theoretically distinct from perceptions of ethnic-group threat measured by more traditional survey items such as ‘They take away our jobs’. I admit that future research should try to replicate my fi ndings with these traditional operationalisations of perceptions of group threat. If these more classical measurements of group threat do lead to more ethnic hostility among ethnic minorities, the question becomes: why are perceptions of group discrimination not perceptions of ethnic group threat? And yet, I cannot see how discrimination could not lead to perceptions of ethnic group threat. I therefore want to propose a refi nement of Ethnic Competition Theory instead. Initially, the general proposition of Ethnic Competition Theory read: ‘The stronger the actual competition between ethnic groups – induced by socio-economic, socio-cultural or sociohistorical circumstances, whether at the individual or the contextual level – the stronger the perceived ethnic threat, that in turn reinforces the mechanisms of social (contra-) identifi cation, leading to stronger nationalistic and ethic exclusionistic attitudes.’ (Coenders, 2001, pp. 42-43). The ethnic outgroup poses a threat to the social position of the ethnic ingroup as a whole, but the outgroup is a stronger threat for individuals who hold similar social positions as the majority of outgroup members, since these individuals are more directly in competition with members of outgroups for scarce resources, according to Ethnic Competition Theory. The explandum has been generalised in subsequent publications, and Ethnic Competition Theory should in principle be able to explain all indicators of ethnic hostility and not only nationalistic and exclusionistic attitudes. 9 Ethnic Competition Theory however implicitly equates the ingroup with society’s dominant ethnic group. The social positions that are most directly in competition with members of outgroups were considered to be members with few resources (the lower educated, the unemployed and 192
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ETHNIC HOSTILITY AMONG ETHNIC MAJOR
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Promotores: prof. dr. N. D. de Graa
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Science is so much more fun when yo
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3.4.1 Opposition to ethnic intermar
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8.3.1 Theoretical implications for
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1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 NEW QUESTIONS 1
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1. Introduction | New questions ski
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1. Introduction | The setting of th
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1. Introduction | Research question
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Table 1.1 Outline of empirical chap
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1. Introduction | Notes 27
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2. SOCIAL MOBILITY AND ETHNIC HOSTI
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2. Social Mobility and Ethnic Hosti
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social conformity favour more toler
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e more important than the infl uenc
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2.4 RESULTS 2. Social Mobility and
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1987). Assessment of the importance
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The actual ethnic competition withi
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(Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). Wagner e
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seven categories: no-religion, Roma
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the lower the opposition to ethnic
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Table 3.1 Hierarchical linear inter
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Table 3.2 Hierarchical linear inter
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In model 8 we focus on the characte
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Table 3.3 Comparison of explanatory
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3.5 CONCLUSIONS We observed a weak
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9. The models presented in this cha
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4. THE LOCAL LIVING ENVIRONMENT AND
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unit such as states or countries, w
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4. The Local Living Environment and
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4.4 RESULTS 4. The Local Living Env
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Table 4.2 continued Household compo
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5. TRENDS IN ETHNIC EDUCATIONAL INE
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5. Trends in Ethnic Educational Ine
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the worsening economic conditions o
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Table 5.3 continued Male (Female=re
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Table 5.4 continued Male (Female= r
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6. EXPLANATIONS FOR ETHNIC EDUCATIO
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To answer our research questions, w
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6. Explanations for Ethnic Educatio
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Table 6.1 continued Pre-university
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Table 6.2 continued Lower general t
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Model 4 includes both the ability m
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Page 142 and 143: 6. Explanations for Ethnic Educatio
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Page 198 and 199: APPENDIX Appendix 197
Page 200 and 201: APPENDIX 2.2 DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS
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Page 208 and 209: impact on depY. *The relative impac
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Page 236 and 237: BIBLIOGRAPHY Bibliography Abu-Rayya
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Bibliography euthanasia, homosexual
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Bibliography Onderzoek (ISEO). Mart
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Bibliography Politics, 58(1), 41-72
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Bibliography Worchel (Eds.), The so
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Bibliography 249
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Summary in Dutch / Nederlandstalige
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CURRICULUM VITAE Curriculum Vitae J
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ICS DISSERTATION SERIES ICS dissert
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ICS dissertation series 37) Andreas
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ICS dissertation series 76) Inge Si
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ICS dissertation series 115) Martin
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Why do some individuals express mor
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