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Ethnic Hostility among Ethnic Majority and Minority Groups

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characteristics are morally sanctioned; ascribed characteristics not only cannot, but also should<br />

not play an important role in selection processes (Parsons, 1951). As the Netherl<strong>and</strong>s is becoming<br />

an ever-more meritocratic society with regard to the ascribed characteristics of social origin <strong>and</strong><br />

gender, I also expected the ethnic inequality of educational opportunities to have decreased at all<br />

levels <strong>and</strong> for all tracks. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, comparative empirical research on educational inequality<br />

<strong>among</strong> social strata has shown that with respect to educational opportunities, meritocratisation<br />

is not a universal process <strong>among</strong> modernised countries (Breen & Jonsson, 2005). As argued by<br />

Raftery <strong>and</strong> Hout, <strong>and</strong> summarised in their Maximally Maintained Inequality (MMI) proposition,<br />

at times of educational expansion educational inequality will only decrease at educational levels<br />

where enrolment of the elite stratum has been saturated (1993). Based on the MMI proposition<br />

I expected inequality to be maintained between ethnic groups within secondary education, yet<br />

a reduction in ethnic inequality in the odds of enrolling in tertiary education between students<br />

of different ethnic origins who successfully completed higher general secondary education in<br />

the Netherl<strong>and</strong>s. Once saturation has been reached at a given educational level, inequalities of<br />

attaining that level may be replaced by inequalities in enrolment in the more selective track,<br />

according to Lucas (2001). The more selective tracks in the Netherl<strong>and</strong>s are the general tracks<br />

(as opposed to vocational tracks). This would imply that at the tertiary educational level, ethnic<br />

inequality will have decreased for the less selective vocational track <strong>and</strong> increased for the more<br />

selective general track.<br />

Results of Chapter 5<br />

<strong>Ethnic</strong> educational inequality did not decrease at all levels <strong>and</strong> all tracks. <strong>Ethnic</strong> differences in<br />

fi nal educational attainment are maintained; the underrepresentation of ethnic minority members<br />

with a degree in tertiary education remained more or less stable. Within secondary education,<br />

inequality is maintained quantitatively as well. Moreover, pupils of Dutch descent opt more often<br />

than immigrants to continue their educational career after higher general secondary education,<br />

<strong>and</strong> even under a condition approaching saturation pupils of ethnic minority groups do not seem<br />

able to close the gap in enrolment rates.<br />

Based on my results, it seems that inequality is also established qualitatively within<br />

tertiary education: in recent years the choice for university gained in importance, apparently more<br />

so for native Dutch than for ethnic minority groups. However, due to a lack of statistical power I<br />

have to make the last conclusion with some caution. I urge others (<strong>and</strong> myself) to replicate this<br />

fi nding when suitable data becomes available.<br />

The unfavourable social background of many students with an ethnic minority heritage<br />

partly explained the ethnic educational differentials, as predicted, but an ethnic penalty still<br />

remained after controlling for social position. Moreover, the social background composition of<br />

ethnic minority groups was not the reason for an absence of a general trend towards ethnic<br />

educational equality.<br />

Conclusion of Chapter 5<br />

<strong>Ethnic</strong>ity is an ascriptive trait that still shapes schooling outcomes decisively. Even in a country<br />

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