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Ethnic Hostility among Ethnic Majority and Minority Groups

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on the validity of the conclusion of these studies. Or studies focused on percentage change<br />

statistics, which not necessarily correspond to net associations, or they aggregated educational<br />

levels whereby these studies neglected the tracking nature of the Dutch educational system (in<br />

vocational educational tracks <strong>and</strong> general educational tracks). Other Dutch studies report that<br />

programmes directed to increase the educational achievements of disadvantaged ethnic minority<br />

pupils hardly had effect (Driessen, 2000; Mulder, 1996).<br />

In order to explain birth cohort trends in ethnic educational inequality, one fi rst has to<br />

describe these trends. The fi nal level of completed education is a summary measure of educational<br />

inequality. In this chapter we therefore fi rst turn to the description of birth cohort trends in fi nal<br />

educational attainment for Turks, Moroccans, Surinamese <strong>and</strong> the Antilleans, the four major ethnic<br />

minority groups in the Netherl<strong>and</strong>s, next to that of the native Dutch. Together these ethnic minority<br />

groups form 7% of the current Dutch population (Statistics Netherl<strong>and</strong>s). Our fi rst research question<br />

reads: (1) What are the birth cohort trends in ethnic differences in fi nal educational attainment?<br />

A student’s highest attained educational level is determined by the decisions that have<br />

to be made at different branching points during the educational career. <strong>Ethnic</strong>ity may affect all<br />

these different decisions. Several studies focussed on the different dropout rates (or downward<br />

mobility rates) across ethnic groups (Kalmijn & Kraaykamp, 1996; Statistics Netherl<strong>and</strong>s, 2005),<br />

but until now the trends in the decisions that have to be made at the different branching points<br />

during the school career once a previous level has been completed successfully have hardly received<br />

any attention, although this would link the scholarship of ethnic educational inequality to the<br />

current literature on class-based educational inequality. We will turn to the explanation of ethnic<br />

differentials in educational decisions at two different points in the school career: the decision<br />

after elementary school <strong>and</strong> the decision after higher general secondary education. We formulated<br />

the second research question as: (2) What are the birth cohort trends across ethnic groups, both<br />

within <strong>and</strong> between generational statuses, in the decisions at successive school transitions?<br />

That social class is a strong determinant of educational achievement is a well established<br />

fi nding in social stratifi cation research (Breen & Jonsson, 2005; De Graaf & Luijkx, 1995; Dronkers<br />

& Ultee, 1995; Rijken, 1999; Shavit & Blossfeld, 1993). This relationship between social class<br />

<strong>and</strong> educational achievement is also observed within ethnic minority groups (Wolbers & Driessen,<br />

1996). Since most immigrant groups face the burden of a class background that is less favourable<br />

than that of the native host population, it could very well confound the associations between<br />

ethnicity <strong>and</strong> educational opportunities. In most Western societies including the Netherl<strong>and</strong>s,<br />

men <strong>and</strong> women have roughly the same average of years of education completed (Rijken, 1999).<br />

However, differences between men <strong>and</strong> women with regard to their educational achievement are<br />

more pronounced for ethnic minority groups as compared to the native Dutch (Dagevos et al.,<br />

2003). The gender composition of the ethnic minority groups has become more equal over time.<br />

Until now, the trends in the effects of ethnicity on achieved educational level <strong>and</strong> educational<br />

transitions controlled for gender <strong>and</strong> social background have remained unclear in the Netherl<strong>and</strong>s.<br />

The debate over the persistent existence of an ‘ethnic penalty’ has not been settled yet. Our fi nal<br />

research question is: (3) To what extent do parental background <strong>and</strong> the gender composition of<br />

ethnic groups explain (trends in) ethnic inequality in school careers?<br />

96

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