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SETTLING<br />

While some of the Italian speakers who came to Australia in the 1850s, such as<br />

Severino Guscetti and Carlo Vanina, maintained relative financial and social privilege,<br />

for the majority poverty was to be their lifelong companion. Released from the hunger<br />

and destitution of their European viUages, they were, nevertheless, confined to a Ufe of<br />

economic stmggle and dependence on traditional peasant methods of survival. By the<br />

1860s less than a third of ItaUan speakers had retumed to Europe* leaving the majority<br />

to face the folly of a joumey which, instead of giving them riches, had reduced them to<br />

further debt. It was, says Cheda:<br />

un' awentura di disperati ingannati che non solo non si sono<br />

arricchiti, ma che alia fine si son ritrovati piii poveri di quando<br />

nen erano partiti.^<br />

In their desperation, the Italian speakers tumed to the skills and occupations which had<br />

supported them in their homelands ~ skills, for example, in farming, building,<br />

blacksmithing and wine-making ~ and, in so doing, settled in more stable communities.<br />

The highly mobile days of 'scouting' thus ended and a new stage began. Pascoe uses<br />

the term 'farmers' for this stage, applying it to Itaaans arriving in Australia in the<br />

1920s. Like Pascoe's farmers, there is evidence that the group which features in this<br />

present study also 'advanced further into the core of Australian Ufe and culture'.' This<br />

chapter explores the 'farming years of the Italian speakers at Daylesford: the forms of<br />

employment to which they tumed, the growing stability of their life-styles and<br />

re-formation into famiUes, their greater sense of ethnic identity and their interaction<br />

with the general community which prevented them becoming an isolated enclave.<br />

295

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