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Along with the support which the Catholic Church offered its post-war<br />

unmigrants, the Italian speakers established private clubs ~ each representing a<br />

different region of Italy ~ and other associations catering to their needs," More highly<br />

organised and better financed than the informal networks of the goldfields, they<br />

nevertheless reflected a similar pattem of adjustment to a new environment. In<br />

adapting to this new environment, the post-war immigrants also sought security<br />

through familiar pattems of behaviour and peasant survival mechanisms. Like the<br />

colonial settlers, they had a low regard for institutionalised leaming which threatened<br />

the basis of their cooperative family work stmctures; and the attitude which viewed<br />

literacy among the women folk or the children as unnecessary or undesirable saw<br />

children being encouraged to stay at home and work in the family business. In later<br />

years, however, the Italians, especially the women, expected more for their children<br />

and saved to enrol them in tertiary colleges. By the second generation of the post-war<br />

immigrant (as compared with the third and fourth generation of the Daylesford settler)<br />

Italo-Australians were graduating from universities and, during the 1980s and 1990s,<br />

going on to highly paid professional careers or distinguishing themselves in the arts or<br />

business. More aware of their growing influence and power whhin the community, the<br />

Italians also sought political roles and a more active involvement in local, state and<br />

national affairs'* ~ mirroring the community involvement of Daylesford settlers years<br />

before.<br />

As a resuh of the ridicule leveUed at them after the war by Anglo-Australian<br />

workers, who felt their jobs threatened, many Italian immigrants were more diffident<br />

454

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