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Introductory - Global Sikh Studies

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233<br />

represent their order at Versailles in 1789; some 25% were lawyers,<br />

5% were other professional men, 13% were industrialists, merchants<br />

and bankers; at most 7 to 9% were agriculturists, and even of these<br />

only a handful were peasants. 26 The Assembly or National Convention,<br />

which met on the 20 th Sept., 1979, socially ‘differed little from the<br />

members of the two preceding parliaments; there was a similar<br />

preponderance of former officials, lawyers, merchants and businessmen<br />

as before, there were no small peasants, and there were only two<br />

working men of their number… 27 The Jacobins were the most radical<br />

group within the Assemblies and the sans-culottes were in the van of<br />

revolutionary demonstrations and insurrections. ‘If anyone was<br />

bourgeois, Jacobins were;’ 27a and shopkeepers and master-craftsmen,<br />

not the lower order, were the backbone of the san-culottes. 27b<br />

As against this, the plebian base of the Khalsa has been shown<br />

in chapter XII.<br />

(c) Modus Operandi<br />

The French Revolution is a remarkable series of historical events<br />

that continues to inspire to this day because of the mass upsurge of<br />

the revolutionary spirit which rose in its yearning for human liberty<br />

and equality. It is the people of the orders lower than the Third Estate,<br />

called by some writers as the Fourth Estate, which look a leading part<br />

in the mass demonstrations and insurrections, but it is the middle<br />

classes which derived the maximum advantage out of these mass<br />

interventions. This happened mainly because of two reasons. The<br />

French Revolution was not a people’s direct revolution in the sense<br />

that the insurrectionists never attempted, rather never conceived, to<br />

capture political power in their own hands. They looked to, or at best<br />

pressurized, the higher orders to concede their demands through<br />

constitutional channels. Secondly, the Fourth Estate had not yet<br />

developed a sufficient consciousness of their real political interests<br />

and had not thrown up a leadership of its own alive and committed to<br />

these interests. ‘On the whole wage workers had no clear consciousness<br />

of class. If they had, it is very doubtful whether the Revolution of<br />

1789 would have been possible... probably the bourgeoisie, as happened<br />

later in Germany, would have shunned the support of such formidable<br />

allies. 27c

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