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Idaho National Laboratory Cultural Resource Management Plan

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Research Question—What are the dates associated with the manufacture and use of the crudely<br />

made flat-bottomed vessels?<br />

Crudely made flat-bottomed vessels (e.g., Intermountain Ware) seem to date after 1350 A.D. and<br />

have been interpreted as a Shoshone incursion into the area. As with other crudely made vessels in areas<br />

surrounding the upper Snake River Basin, the earlier well-made styles were replaced at that time by the<br />

flatbottomed vessel. In the basin, however, the flat-bottomed vessels seem to show up in the<br />

archaeological record at that time, but the well-made pottery continued to be made. The apparent<br />

contemporaneousness after 1350 A.D. of both types makes the prehistory of the area unique and, if true,<br />

is of critical importance to understanding the cultural history of the area.<br />

Data Requirements: Any site with flat-bottomed vessels in a datable context or in the direct context<br />

with other pottery types.<br />

Problem Domain: Settlement and Subsistence<br />

As presented thus far, if we can understand the distribution of archaeological sites (i.e., settlement)<br />

relative to the distribution of necessary resources (i.e., subsistence), we can interpret much about the<br />

lifeway of the people who left those sites behind. Our ability to accomplish this greatly depends on a<br />

detailed understanding of the cultural chronology of the area so that sites of different time periods are not<br />

lumped together in a single analysis.<br />

The basic approach to analyzing the settlement and subsistence of a prehistoric time period has been<br />

to correlate the presence or absence of sites with existing environmental zones. With some knowledge of<br />

past climatic changes (see the environment problem domain), positive and negative correlations lead to<br />

interpretations about the importance of specific resources to the regional inhabitants during that period.<br />

To make reasonable interpretations, we must also assess the range of activities conducted at each recorded<br />

site because environmental variables would be of different importance to different activities (e.g., a<br />

fishing site would likely be in a different environmental and topographic location than an antelope<br />

hunting blind). Therefore, a settlement and subsistence analysis has three independent variables: time<br />

period, ecozone, and activity. The dependent variable in the analysis is the subsistence organization of the<br />

groups inhabiting the region at that time. Once categories or scales for each variable have been defined,<br />

the analysis becomes a simple statistical exercise; the principal problem, however, is to define meaningful<br />

categories or scales for the variables. Research oriented toward defining two of the variables is addressed<br />

under other problem domains: the time period under cultural chronology and the ecozone under<br />

environment.<br />

A variety of approaches to defining categories of site activities and subsistence organization have<br />

been developed. One approach used during several large-scale research projects in the Great Basin seems<br />

applicable to the upper Snake River Basin. This is because of the similar range of environments and<br />

archaeological sites based on a model of hunter-gatherer foragers and collectors (Binford 1980). Binford’s<br />

field research with the Nunamiut Eskimo and his interpretation of descriptions of other known<br />

hunter-gatherer groups led him to argue that subsistence organization can be best interpreted by the<br />

logistical complexity of resource acquisition. He proposed a continuum from simple to complex; the<br />

simplest involves consumers consistently moving their residences to where food is immediately available,<br />

with the most complex involving consumers only occasionally moving their residences but acquiring<br />

resources often distant from the residence and transporting them back. The simple end of the continuum,<br />

called foraging by Binford, is defined as follows:<br />

[Foragers] typically do not store foods but gather foods daily. They go out gathering food on an<br />

encounter basis and return to their residential bases each afternoon or evening…[T]here are apt to be<br />

basically two types of spatial context for the discard or abandonment of artifactual remains. One is in the<br />

residential base, which is…the hub of subsistence activities, the locus out of which foraging parties<br />

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