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Participation and Democracy: Dynamics, Causes ... - Jacobs University

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since they attribute a number of positive effects to the membership in these associations.<br />

Next to the equality argument (only through pluralist forms of interest representation the<br />

various, even conflicting, interests in a society can equally be protected <strong>and</strong> balanced,<br />

see Schlozman, Verba <strong>and</strong> Brady 1999), mainly two kinds of organizational benefits are<br />

discussed in the literature. The first one refers to the individual-level, the second one to<br />

the aggregate level.<br />

For one thing, civic benefits are attributed to the individual member(ship) in voluntary<br />

associations. Through their engagement in groups, citizens do not only learn how to<br />

cooperate with others for mutual benefit. Their work in an association, in particular the<br />

sharing of information <strong>and</strong> knowledge about the objectives <strong>and</strong> routines, also equip them<br />

with more competence <strong>and</strong> skills. Finally, the permanent contact <strong>and</strong> exchange with<br />

others facilitates the adoption of civic virtues such as trust <strong>and</strong> tolerance among the<br />

members of an association (Almond <strong>and</strong> Verba 1963: 322; Etzioni 1993; Putnam 1995a:<br />

67; Bellah et al. 1996; Uslaner 2002).<br />

Second, these individual civic skills, taken together, have important consequences for<br />

the communal <strong>and</strong> democratic life in a society. Following the de Tocquevillian notion of<br />

associations as “schools of democracy” (Tocqueville (2000 [1835/40]), Putnam argues<br />

that such organizations provide platforms for face-to-face meetings which lead, on the<br />

societal level, to dense social networks <strong>and</strong> the emergence of horizontal (social) trust<br />

among the members of a society. In doing so, a vibrant associational life contributes to<br />

the emergence of civic communities <strong>and</strong> produces high levels of social capital (Putnam<br />

1993).<br />

According to Putnam’s definition, social capital refers to “connections among<br />

individuals – social networks <strong>and</strong> the norms of reciprocity <strong>and</strong> trustworthiness that arise<br />

from them” (Putnam 2000: 19). It has been argued, for example, that societies with a<br />

vibrant associational life <strong>and</strong> higher levels of social capital have more responsive,<br />

accountable <strong>and</strong> effective political institutions, that their economy performs better, <strong>and</strong><br />

that they outperform societies where social capital is scarce in terms of lower crime<br />

figures, better health <strong>and</strong> higher educational achievement (Putnam 1993; 1995a: 67;<br />

Putnam 2000: 296-333; Smith 2001).<br />

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