Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
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analysis has declined as a framework by being overtaken by an even more rigorous<br />
rational model of economics. The key theoretical cornerstones of the public<br />
management approach are private management <strong>and</strong> economics, particularly economics<br />
of the microeconomic or public choice kind. This goes a stage further<br />
than the rational models of policy analysis, by declaring the good to be maximized<br />
by those involved to be economic utility, <strong>and</strong> deriving policy from there.<br />
It is arguable whether the increased use of economics in public policy-making<br />
is part of formal policy analysis or something separate. Given that public policy<br />
people came from political science, it may be quite separate <strong>and</strong> belong to a<br />
quite different intellectual history.<br />
A faulty model of science<br />
<strong>Public</strong> Policy <strong>and</strong> Policy Analysis 125<br />
A more controversial criticism, perhaps, is of the scientific basis used for policy<br />
analysis. Of course, any exercise aiming to be scientific must have a conception<br />
of the kind of science it aims to follow. There is reason to believe that<br />
public policy analysis is based on a faulty, or at least old-fashioned, model of<br />
science. It was mentioned earlier that the derivation of empirical methods from<br />
those of political science was both a strength <strong>and</strong> a weakness. The strength was<br />
that techniques for gathering data were well recognized, most often by sample<br />
survey. Ways of processing data through computer software became readily<br />
available, <strong>and</strong> what was being done under the name of policy analysis was a<br />
slight extension of political science methods into areas of policy. However, this<br />
also meant a reliance on the same theory of science used in political science<br />
during the 1960s <strong>and</strong> 1970s.<br />
A clue to the problem this engenders can be gained from the third of the scientific<br />
skills mentioned earlier from the work of Putt <strong>and</strong> Springer (1989, p. 24).<br />
This was ‘information-analysis skills guide the analyst in drawing conclusions<br />
from empirical evidence’. This points to a key problem, not only in policy<br />
analysis, but in behavioural political science from where its theories derive.<br />
A large part of the philosophy of science in the second half of the twentieth<br />
century was concerned with showing that data do not lead to conclusions, that<br />
such inductive science is inherently flawed (Popper, 1965). Most social science<br />
from the very beginnings of collection of data or sample surveys has been<br />
expressly inductive, that is, based on the idea that from gathering masses of<br />
information, inferences can be made. As Popper <strong>and</strong> others have argued, this<br />
cannot be done in the natural sciences, so it follows that a social science based<br />
on inductive processes is also gravely flawed.<br />
Despite criticism (for example, deLeon, 1997) a major part of the success of<br />
economic public policy in recent years is that it is expressly deductive, that is,<br />
based on theory leading to predictions. If evidence for those predictions can be<br />
found, it supports the theory. The theory is never proven, but can st<strong>and</strong> because