Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
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34 <strong>Public</strong> <strong>Management</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Administration</strong><br />
best way of achieving results. In the abstract, responsibility is given to a<br />
manager without a prescription as to how results are achieved. One of the<br />
manager’s roles is to decide a way of working, <strong>and</strong> he or she is then personally<br />
responsible if results are, or are not, forthcoming.<br />
The problem of bureaucracy<br />
A further problem with the traditional model focuses on the Weberian model<br />
of bureaucracy. Critics argued that the structure <strong>and</strong> management of the traditional<br />
model were obsolete <strong>and</strong> in need of drastic reform, because of problems<br />
with the concepts of bureaucracy <strong>and</strong> bureaucratic organization. Formal<br />
bureaucracy may have its advantages, but, it is argued, it also breeds timeservers<br />
rather than innovators. It encourages administrators to be risk-averse<br />
rather than risk-taking, <strong>and</strong> to waste scarce resources instead of using them<br />
efficiently. Weber regarded bureaucracy as the highest form of organization,<br />
but it is also criticized for producing inertia, lack of enterprise, red tape, mediocrity<br />
<strong>and</strong> inefficiency, all diseases thought to be endemic in public sector bodies.<br />
Indeed, the word ‘bureaucracy’ is today more usually regarded as a synonym<br />
for inefficiency (Behn, 1998, p. 140). There are two particular problems with the<br />
theory of bureaucracy. These are, first, the problematic relationship between<br />
bureaucracy <strong>and</strong> democracy <strong>and</strong>, secondly, formal bureaucracy could no longer<br />
be considered as a particularly efficient form of organization.<br />
With its formal rationality, secrecy, rigidity <strong>and</strong> hierarchy, it seems inevitable<br />
that there would be some conflict between bureaucracy <strong>and</strong> democracy. Weber<br />
was ambivalent about bureaucracy. He saw it as inevitable that bureaucracy<br />
would become universal as it ‘inevitably accompanies modern mass democracy’<br />
(Gerth <strong>and</strong> Mills, 1970, p. 224), but equally, democracy ‘inevitably comes<br />
into conflict with bureaucratic tendencies’ (p. 226). The ruled, for their part,<br />
cannot dispense with or replace the bureaucratic apparatus of authority once it<br />
exists (p. 229).<br />
Weber described bureaucracy rather than advocating it, <strong>and</strong>, although he saw<br />
it as inevitable with the modernization of society, there were clearly aspects<br />
that worried him. There was <strong>and</strong> is some conflict between bureaucracy <strong>and</strong><br />
democracy; it did not make sense for a democracy to have a distinct elite acting<br />
secretively. The individual bureaucrat, to Weber, hardly had an ideal life<br />
(Gerth <strong>and</strong> Mills, 1970, p. 228):<br />
The professional bureaucrat is chained to his activity by his entire material <strong>and</strong> ideal existence<br />
… In the great majority of cases, he is only a single cog in an ever-moving mechanism,<br />
which prescribes to him an essentially fixed route of march. The official is<br />
entrusted with specialised tasks <strong>and</strong> normally the mechanism cannot be put into motion<br />
or arrested by him, but only from the very top. The individual bureaucrat is thus forged<br />
to the community of all the functionaries who are integrated into the mechanism. They<br />
have a common interest in seeing that the mechanism continues its functions <strong>and</strong> that<br />
societally exercised authority carries on.