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Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes

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<strong>Public</strong> Policy <strong>and</strong> Policy Analysis 129<br />

they say is ‘mixed’, that is, can be used for both description <strong>and</strong> prescription.<br />

Their model is: (i) deciding to decide (issue search or agenda-setting);<br />

(ii) deciding how to decide; (iii) issue definition; (iv) forecasting; (v) setting<br />

objectives <strong>and</strong> priorities; (vi) options analysis; (vii) policy implementation,<br />

monitoring <strong>and</strong> control; (viii) evaluation <strong>and</strong> review; <strong>and</strong>, (ix) policy maintenance,<br />

succession, or termination.<br />

This model is atypical. While its roots may be in the rational model, it does,<br />

to some extent, cross between the two kinds of policy set out earlier. Indeed<br />

Hogwood <strong>and</strong> Gunn argue that their approach is concerned ‘both with<br />

the application of techniques <strong>and</strong> with political process’ (1984, p. 6). They<br />

argue for a ‘process-focused rather than a technique-oriented approach to policy<br />

analysis’. Analysis is primarily about ‘determining the characteristics of the issue<br />

being analysed <strong>and</strong> the organisational <strong>and</strong> political setting of the issue, with the<br />

actual mechanics of particular techniques being secondary <strong>and</strong> consequential’<br />

(p. 263). It is seen as ‘supplementing the more overtly political aspects of the<br />

policy process rather than replacing them’ (p. 267). Their model may be more<br />

realistic <strong>and</strong> useful as a result.<br />

The main difference between the two public policy perspectives is the role<br />

given to the political process. Policy analysis looks for one best answer from a<br />

set of alternatives <strong>and</strong> has a battery of statistical weapons at its disposal to do<br />

so. Political public policy sees information in an advocacy role; that is, it realizes<br />

that cogent cases will be made from many perspectives which then feed<br />

into the political process. Simon goes somewhat further (Simon, 1983, p. 97;<br />

Hogwood <strong>and</strong> Gunn, 1984, p. 266):<br />

When an issue becomes highly controversial – when it is surrounded by uncertainties <strong>and</strong><br />

conflicting values – then expertness is very hard to come by, <strong>and</strong> it is no longer easy to<br />

legitimate the experts. In the circumstances, we find that there are experts for the affirmative<br />

<strong>and</strong> experts for the negative. We cannot settle such issues by turning them over to<br />

particular groups of experts. At best we may convert the controversy into an adversary<br />

proceeding in which we, the laymen, listen to the experts but have to judge between them.<br />

There is no single best answer, there is only an answer that survives the political<br />

process in what is often a contest between policy experts on all sides of a<br />

public policy issue.<br />

More recent analysis of the policy process takes the political aspect somewhat<br />

further. John argues there is a ‘new policy analysis’ (1998, p. 157):<br />

Moving from the modest claims of ideas-based empiricism, the new policy analysis<br />

makes claims about the primacy of ideas <strong>and</strong> the indeterminacy of knowledge. Rather<br />

than rational actors following their interests, it is the interplay of values <strong>and</strong> norms <strong>and</strong><br />

different forms of knowledge which characterise the policy process.<br />

This is less rigid than the sequential view of policy <strong>and</strong> more open to political<br />

interplay <strong>and</strong> including a much wider set of influences than earlier policy<br />

analysis. It offers an interesting view for future policy work.

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