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Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes

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eform, this would actually be an enhancement of democracy as they are<br />

elected where m<strong>and</strong>arins are not.<br />

These arguments of Lynn <strong>and</strong> Massey are overstated. All that is being put<br />

forward by the public management reforms is a new way of organizing within<br />

government, that, whatever the extent of reform, what remains is the legal<br />

structure of a bureaucratic state. As Borins argues (1999, p. 309):<br />

The new public management can be understood as an agreement between politicians <strong>and</strong><br />

civil society, on the one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> the public service on the other. Politicians <strong>and</strong> civil<br />

society are dem<strong>and</strong>ing a public sector that is more service-oriented <strong>and</strong> more performanceoriented.<br />

In response they are willing to give public managers more autonomy <strong>and</strong> better<br />

tools to do the job.<br />

This is an instrumental view of management, no more <strong>and</strong> no less. <strong>Public</strong> management<br />

is merely a tool for governments to use to improve the management<br />

of their public sector. There is no claim for any difference in the way that governments<br />

are chosen, in other words, no alteration in democratic regime.<br />

Accountability <strong>and</strong> democracy<br />

Conclusion 273<br />

Arguments are made that the public management reforms reduce accountability,<br />

<strong>and</strong> hence democracy, in two ways. First, <strong>and</strong> most important, the reforms may<br />

reduce political accountability; if the manager is to be more accountable, then<br />

the politician is axiomatically to be less accountable. Secondly, public accountability<br />

may be reduced through contracting or other ways in which a function is<br />

delivered by the private sector so there is no longer government involvement.<br />

The first point is most obvious in Westminster-style parliamentary systems.<br />

There the minister is presumed to be accountable for the acts of the administration<br />

<strong>and</strong> is politically accountable through the legislature. Managers do<br />

become more responsible for the operations they are in charge of, rather than<br />

the minister who, while politically accountable, can avoid blame (Hondeghem,<br />

1998). In the US, it has long been the practice that agency heads are themselves<br />

accountable, with political accountability through the President alone, so any<br />

diminution of accountability might be of less worry there.<br />

Secondly, the creation of independent agencies operating at arms-length<br />

through a contractual or quasi-contractual basis could lead to a problem of<br />

political accountability. Transferring accountability to the private sector<br />

through contracting or other mechanisms comes up against the fundamental<br />

problem of differences between the sectors. Simply exchanging public<br />

accountability for private is not necessarily going to solve the problems of<br />

accountability. Governments may still be held to account even when there are<br />

clear contractual arrangements or complete privatization. They may try to hide by<br />

saying that the contractor or agency is responsible but this is unlikely to be<br />

accepted by the public. Governments will be accountable for conflict over the<br />

awarding of contracts <strong>and</strong> if contractors fail to deliver.

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