Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
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272 <strong>Public</strong> <strong>Management</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Administration</strong><br />
be claimed that cuts in government follow from democratic dem<strong>and</strong>s for lower<br />
taxation, it is possible that the larger scale <strong>and</strong> scope of government results<br />
from political dem<strong>and</strong>s as expressed by democratic means. It could be regarded<br />
as undemocratic if the scope of politics – by one st<strong>and</strong>ard definition, the art of<br />
the possible – is reduced to narrower allowable areas of discourse.<br />
Does democracy require bureaucracy?<br />
The argument has been made that democracy requires bureaucracy, that for<br />
a modern society to be democratic it must also be bureaucratic. As Lynn argues<br />
‘Democracy requires the rule of law, the legally sanctioned regulation of markets,<br />
the preservation of equity, <strong>and</strong> competent bureaucracies subject to control<br />
by statute <strong>and</strong> by judicial institutions … Weber viewed a system of bureaucratic<br />
rule in the modern state as inescapable’ (2001, pp. 199–200). To Lynn, bureaucracy<br />
<strong>and</strong> democracy go together <strong>and</strong> to move away from bureaucracy is to<br />
wish to set up a new system of government altogether. This is a big claim.<br />
Lynn’s citing of Max Weber needs to be investigated further. Weber did see<br />
it as inevitable that bureaucracy would become universal as it ‘inevitably<br />
accompanies modern mass democracy’ (Gerth <strong>and</strong> Mills, 1970, p. 224), so this<br />
part of Lynn has some backing. But equally, to Weber, democracy ‘inevitably<br />
comes into conflict with bureaucratic tendencies’ (p. 226). Weber was actually<br />
ambivalent about bureaucracy. Although he saw it as inevitable with the modernization<br />
of society, there were clearly aspects that worried him. Bureaucracy<br />
is sometimes regarded as abrogating the power of the citizen, or the politician,<br />
with its political accountability problematic. However, bureaucracy in the sense<br />
of rational–legal authority is unchanged with the public management reforms.<br />
Also, there are serious historical problems with the idea that democracy<br />
requires bureaucracy, in that an excess of bureaucracy has led to circumstances<br />
where democracy was taken away from the citizenry, a circumstance that<br />
Weber to some extent predicted. The apparatus of the state is an instrument of<br />
power, <strong>and</strong> can be used for democratic or undemocratic purposes.<br />
A related argument to that of Lynn is that bureaucracy is a defence of liberty.<br />
Massey argues, ‘in constitutional democracies possessing many generations of<br />
political wisdom <strong>and</strong> experience, a properly ordered bureaucracy is an essential<br />
defence of liberty’ (1993, p. 1998). If this means that a bureaucracy considers<br />
itself separate from the government of the day it could, in fact, be<br />
derogation of democracy. Having a loyalty to the nation above <strong>and</strong> beyond that<br />
of the government of the day was a view held by some senior public administrators<br />
in the time of the traditional model of administration. Governments<br />
could come <strong>and</strong> go, but the levers of society – the real power – would be held<br />
by the m<strong>and</strong>arins. By any definition that is profoundly undemocratic.<br />
Bureaucracy is only an instrument; the only defence of liberty is in democracy<br />
itself. If politicians have reasserted their role as the result of public management