Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
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214 <strong>Public</strong> <strong>Management</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Administration</strong><br />
powerful, as pluralist theory argued, it is actually small groups that dominate<br />
<strong>and</strong> are more successful in getting government to agree with their views. Small<br />
groups – special interest groups – represent only a narrow segment of society.<br />
They have little or no incentive to make sacrifices in the interests of the society<br />
<strong>and</strong> can best serve their members’ interests by striving to seek a larger share<br />
of a society’s production for themselves. And, indeed, small groups in society,<br />
especially those with collective economic interests, do seem to have power<br />
greater than their numbers. Olson can be used to explain why it is that doctors’<br />
groups are far more powerful than the potential group of medical patients. Even<br />
if the sum total of concern about medical funding is greater among consumers,<br />
there is the problem of organizing when the benefit obtained by any one actual<br />
organizer will be small.<br />
Large or ‘encompassing groups’, such as a union peak council or an employers’<br />
association, may be more willing to make sacrifices for the benefit of the<br />
nation <strong>and</strong> their own long-term interest. But, Olson argues: ‘on balance, special<br />
interest organizations <strong>and</strong> collusions reduce efficiency <strong>and</strong> aggregate income in<br />
the societies in which they operate <strong>and</strong> make political life more divisive’ (1982,<br />
p. 41). In other words a society with many special interest groups will perform<br />
worse than one with none.<br />
There is substantial explanatory power in Olson’s theory <strong>and</strong> it is only when<br />
it becomes rather more gr<strong>and</strong>iose – interest group competition is regarded as<br />
the single reason for the rise <strong>and</strong> decline of nations – that there are some problems.<br />
However, the point that special interests may reduce aggregate economic<br />
efficiency provides a lesson in going too far in allowing groups to make policy.<br />
Stigler’s view of interest groups is that their intervention leads to poorer outcomes.<br />
His ‘capture theory’ argues that there is a co-optive relationship<br />
between an agency <strong>and</strong> the relevant interest groups (1975). The regulatory<br />
agency of an industry will be captured by the industry it is supposed to be regulating<br />
which then controls what it does. While it is unlike the other theories<br />
mentioned here, the theory of agency capture has had an impact in the process<br />
of deregulation. It has also been used to support the arguments of those who<br />
believe that bureaucracy is an inherently flawed instrument. However, Stigler<br />
goes too far. For him there are no examples of public benefit <strong>and</strong> no examples<br />
of public interest. All regulation, all interest group pressure being followed by a<br />
governmental response, he argues, leads to outcomes worse than if the government<br />
stayed out. Even if Stigler’s argument can be supported in some cases, the<br />
general case is overstated. He denies any chance for the political system to<br />
operate, as well as denying any possibility that political action in response to<br />
public dem<strong>and</strong> can be beneficial.<br />
The significance of Stigler’s work, allied with that of Olson – both could be<br />
described as New Right economists – has been to give further theoretical backing<br />
to dem<strong>and</strong>s to reduce government involvement because of the persistence<br />
of links between government <strong>and</strong> interest groups. It has become easier to cut<br />
assistance schemes that support special interests, perhaps as a result of such