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Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes

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210 <strong>Public</strong> <strong>Management</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Administration</strong><br />

policy style as the balancing of group pressures. It may once have been legitimate to see<br />

the role of groups as simply articulating dem<strong>and</strong>s to be ‘processed’ in the legislative/<br />

governmental machine. Now the groups are intimately involved in decision <strong>and</strong> implementation<br />

processes. A symbiotic relationship has developed.<br />

Richardson <strong>and</strong> Jordan argue that the bureaucracy could itself be seen as an<br />

interest group in that official organizations <strong>and</strong> agencies behave ‘in almost<br />

exactly the same way as more conventional external pressure groups’ (1979,<br />

p. 25). Groups can be allies of departments, <strong>and</strong> while there may be conflict<br />

between ministers <strong>and</strong> groups over details of policy, they generally ‘share a<br />

commitment to greater resources for that policy area’ (1979, p. 29). This means<br />

that politicians do not necessarily make policy, nor is it made by politicians<br />

together with the bureaucracy, but by the interaction of the bureaucratic part of<br />

government <strong>and</strong> the relevant groups. As they argue (1979, pp. 73–4):<br />

In describing the tendency for boundaries between government <strong>and</strong> groups to become<br />

less distinct through a whole range of pragmatic developments, we see policies being<br />

made <strong>and</strong> administered between a myriad of interconnecting, interpenetrating organizations.<br />

It is the relationships involved in committees, the policy community of departments<br />

<strong>and</strong> groups, the practices of co-option <strong>and</strong> the consensual style that perhaps better<br />

account for policy outcomes than do examinations of party stances, of manifestoes or of<br />

parliamentary influence.<br />

This theory seems a far more realistic account of what actually happens in government.<br />

It also fits the change from a bureaucratic focus to one in which internal<br />

politics is recognized. Particular parts of the bureaucracy develop their own<br />

interest groups to assist them in the real political battle, that is, the struggle for<br />

resources with other parts of the bureaucracy.<br />

Further, Pross (1986) argued, in Canada, real competition in the political<br />

arena was that of policy communities. The policy community was defined as<br />

‘that part of a political system that by virtue of its functional responsibilities,<br />

its vested interests, <strong>and</strong> its specialized knowledge – acquires a dominant voice<br />

in determining government decisions in a specific field of public activity, <strong>and</strong><br />

is generally permitted by society at large <strong>and</strong> the public authorities in particular<br />

to determine public policy in that field’ (1986, p. 98). A policy community<br />

is populated by government agencies, pressure groups, media people, <strong>and</strong> individuals,<br />

including academics, who have an interest in a particular policy field<br />

(1986, p. 98).<br />

The development of the policy community has implications for the operation<br />

of the bureaucracy <strong>and</strong> derives, according to Pross, from the decline in the<br />

influence of the bureaucracy. <strong>Public</strong> officials now have to generate support in<br />

the policy community, ‘winning the approval of the other government agencies,<br />

the pressure groups, corporations, institutions, <strong>and</strong> individuals with a vested<br />

interest or an explicit concern in the policy field’ (Pross, 1986, p. 132).<br />

Departments <strong>and</strong> agencies need their clients <strong>and</strong> need them to be organized into<br />

groups. If relevant interest groups do not exist, departments are quite likely to

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