Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
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270 <strong>Public</strong> <strong>Management</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Administration</strong><br />
sector <strong>and</strong> the universities by that government <strong>and</strong> anyone who was there at<br />
that time could be forgiven for seeing the entire movement as ideological. In a<br />
later article Pollitt argued (1996, p. 86):<br />
The trajectory of pro-market, anti-state doctrines probably reached its apogee at the end<br />
of the 1980s, during Mrs Thatcher’s third term of office. At that time, resort to market or<br />
market-like solutions to the problems of public administration had begun to seem automatic,<br />
almost ritualistic. The distinctiveness of the public sector was repeatedly minimized,<br />
its particular values ignored or downgraded.<br />
Some of those involved in both the Thatcher <strong>and</strong> Reagan governments had<br />
a profound distaste for the public service <strong>and</strong> this was ‘new Right’ ideology.<br />
However, while this may have been an appropriate way of looking at the early<br />
reforms in the United Kingdom, the fervent ideology was not as evident later<br />
<strong>and</strong> neither was it so evident in other countries.<br />
<strong>Public</strong> sector reform did not stop after Thatcher; in fact it had barely started.<br />
What happened was that the intensely ideological attack on the role of government<br />
in society was replaced by intensified efforts to improve its management.<br />
In New Zeal<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Australia, the most radical of the public service changes<br />
were introduced by Left governments, <strong>and</strong> the movement was more about management<br />
<strong>and</strong> responding to economic crisis than new Right ideology. Canadian<br />
<strong>and</strong> French governments of Left <strong>and</strong> Right have introduced similar reforms. As<br />
the reform movement has spread any party-political aspect seems harder to<br />
show. It is easy to point to governments that were not ‘New Right’, but still<br />
introduced managerialist reforms of their own. But as the movement towards<br />
public management has proceeded, the ideological element has become far less<br />
visible <strong>and</strong> new public management ‘seems now to have no evident coupling to<br />
a specific point on the traditional ‘right–left’ political spectrum’ (Jones, Guthrie<br />
<strong>and</strong> Steane, 2001, p. 3).<br />
Ideology <strong>and</strong> the old model<br />
It could be argued that opposition to public management reform is itself driven<br />
by ideology. It could be equally ideological even to argue to maintain particular<br />
activities in the public sector. Pollitt <strong>and</strong> Bouckaert, for example, describe<br />
their stance as ‘sceptically open-minded’ <strong>and</strong> doubt whether many of the ideas<br />
behind the NPM are ‘quite as new as some of their more enthusiastic proponents<br />
claim’ (2000, p. 15). A few pages on they state (2000, p. 22):<br />
We share several values <strong>and</strong> beliefs: for example, that the public sector is distinctive, that<br />
public sector (collective) approaches to many social problems are desirable/necessary/<br />
ultimately unavoidable; that the dull stuff of administrative implementation is actually<br />
crucial to the final effects of reforms; that the eventual impacts on citizens is usually the<br />
most powerful (though often fiendishly difficult to execute) test of the ‘success’ or ‘failure’<br />
of a management ‘improvement’. Further, we recognize that language is both rich