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Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes

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270 <strong>Public</strong> <strong>Management</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Administration</strong><br />

sector <strong>and</strong> the universities by that government <strong>and</strong> anyone who was there at<br />

that time could be forgiven for seeing the entire movement as ideological. In a<br />

later article Pollitt argued (1996, p. 86):<br />

The trajectory of pro-market, anti-state doctrines probably reached its apogee at the end<br />

of the 1980s, during Mrs Thatcher’s third term of office. At that time, resort to market or<br />

market-like solutions to the problems of public administration had begun to seem automatic,<br />

almost ritualistic. The distinctiveness of the public sector was repeatedly minimized,<br />

its particular values ignored or downgraded.<br />

Some of those involved in both the Thatcher <strong>and</strong> Reagan governments had<br />

a profound distaste for the public service <strong>and</strong> this was ‘new Right’ ideology.<br />

However, while this may have been an appropriate way of looking at the early<br />

reforms in the United Kingdom, the fervent ideology was not as evident later<br />

<strong>and</strong> neither was it so evident in other countries.<br />

<strong>Public</strong> sector reform did not stop after Thatcher; in fact it had barely started.<br />

What happened was that the intensely ideological attack on the role of government<br />

in society was replaced by intensified efforts to improve its management.<br />

In New Zeal<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Australia, the most radical of the public service changes<br />

were introduced by Left governments, <strong>and</strong> the movement was more about management<br />

<strong>and</strong> responding to economic crisis than new Right ideology. Canadian<br />

<strong>and</strong> French governments of Left <strong>and</strong> Right have introduced similar reforms. As<br />

the reform movement has spread any party-political aspect seems harder to<br />

show. It is easy to point to governments that were not ‘New Right’, but still<br />

introduced managerialist reforms of their own. But as the movement towards<br />

public management has proceeded, the ideological element has become far less<br />

visible <strong>and</strong> new public management ‘seems now to have no evident coupling to<br />

a specific point on the traditional ‘right–left’ political spectrum’ (Jones, Guthrie<br />

<strong>and</strong> Steane, 2001, p. 3).<br />

Ideology <strong>and</strong> the old model<br />

It could be argued that opposition to public management reform is itself driven<br />

by ideology. It could be equally ideological even to argue to maintain particular<br />

activities in the public sector. Pollitt <strong>and</strong> Bouckaert, for example, describe<br />

their stance as ‘sceptically open-minded’ <strong>and</strong> doubt whether many of the ideas<br />

behind the NPM are ‘quite as new as some of their more enthusiastic proponents<br />

claim’ (2000, p. 15). A few pages on they state (2000, p. 22):<br />

We share several values <strong>and</strong> beliefs: for example, that the public sector is distinctive, that<br />

public sector (collective) approaches to many social problems are desirable/necessary/<br />

ultimately unavoidable; that the dull stuff of administrative implementation is actually<br />

crucial to the final effects of reforms; that the eventual impacts on citizens is usually the<br />

most powerful (though often fiendishly difficult to execute) test of the ‘success’ or ‘failure’<br />

of a management ‘improvement’. Further, we recognize that language is both rich

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