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Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes

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Conclusion 267<br />

1 Discursive convergence – more <strong>and</strong> more people are talking <strong>and</strong> writing about the<br />

same concepts … The conceptual agenda is converging.<br />

2 Decisional convergence – the authorities … publicly decide to adopt a particular organizational<br />

form or technique …<br />

3 Practice convergence – public sector organization begin to work in more similar<br />

ways …<br />

4 Results convergence – when reforms produce their intended (<strong>and</strong> unintended) effects<br />

so that the outputs <strong>and</strong> outcomes of public sector activity begin to converge.<br />

Pollitt finds the greatest level of convergence is in the first category, some in<br />

the second, with limited information on practice convergence <strong>and</strong> only sparse<br />

information on the convergence of results. Pollitt then argues that not everyone<br />

is ‘travelling in the same direction anyway’ (2001, p. 485):<br />

Deep differences of approach continue to manifest themselves between different countries<br />

<strong>and</strong> groups of countries. The Finns do not aspire to the ‘New Zeal<strong>and</strong> model’ <strong>and</strong><br />

the French do not want to copy the American ‘National Performance Review’. The<br />

Canadians claim to have a Canadian model <strong>and</strong> a number of leading German authorities<br />

believe that they have little to learn from the Anglo-Australo-American paradigm of<br />

NPM/reinvention. Even strong believers in convergence see important differences<br />

between, on the one h<strong>and</strong>, the UK <strong>and</strong> New Zeal<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong>, on the other, the later American<br />

attempt at ‘reinvention’. Such multiple <strong>and</strong> durable differences are hard to explain within<br />

a model that assumes irresistible <strong>and</strong> uniform global pressures.<br />

The extent of irresistibility <strong>and</strong> uniformity that are needed in order for there to<br />

be an international movement may be arguable, but convergence is not disproved<br />

by Pollitt’s argument.<br />

It is interesting <strong>and</strong> significant that Pollitt misses the most important form of<br />

convergence of all. This is theoretical convergence; where the underlying theoretical<br />

changes most characteristic of the public management reform have<br />

spread around the world. This is not covered by any of Pollitt’s points.<br />

Theoretical convergence is much more than discursive convergence as, in the<br />

latter, it would be enough to just talk about making change. Indeed, Pollitt’s<br />

elaboration of that point is all about the words used in reform, rather than anything<br />

about theory. Theoretical convergence helps to explain why there is some<br />

similarity in different countries <strong>and</strong> also why the details are likely to be modified<br />

by tradition <strong>and</strong> the extent of opposition. It is argued here that there has<br />

been substantial theoretical convergence <strong>and</strong> substantial convergence in the<br />

instruments <strong>and</strong> strategies used by public sector reformers.<br />

It is unnecessary to establish that change is irresistible, uniform <strong>and</strong> global<br />

for there to be a worldwide movement of public sector reform. More correct is<br />

the view of public sector reform as involving similar policy instruments, as<br />

Boston et al. argue (1996, p. 2):<br />

Although the rhetoric might have varied around the world, most of the recent efforts at<br />

governmental reinvention, restructuring, <strong>and</strong> renewal have shared similar goals – to<br />

improve the effectiveness <strong>and</strong> efficiency of the public sector, enhance the responsiveness

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