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Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes

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226 <strong>Public</strong> <strong>Management</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Administration</strong><br />

different models of economic development followed in Tanzania, India,<br />

Pakistan or the Pacific, the familiar precepts of a Weberian system were to be<br />

found.<br />

Development administration largely faded as a specialty within public<br />

administration in the mid-1970s as its theories <strong>and</strong> assumptions came under<br />

attack (Turner <strong>and</strong> Hulme, 1997, pp. 12–17). This occurred well before the rise<br />

of new public management in the West. A similar kind of demise had befallen its<br />

allied discipline, development economics (Krugman, 1995). There were intellectual<br />

problems in trying to carve out a separate specialty <strong>and</strong> at times the arguments<br />

between different theorists seemed to ignore the fact that there were real<br />

problems in the administration of developing countries.<br />

Problems of the administrative model<br />

The traditional model of administration did not serve developing countries particularly<br />

well. Features which worked in the West, notably political neutrality <strong>and</strong><br />

incorruptibility, were not followed in the Third World <strong>and</strong> the bureaucracy, while<br />

maintaining the appearance <strong>and</strong> institutions of traditional bureaucracy, served<br />

particular elite, ethnic or religious interests. Above all, it served itself. While<br />

there is some argument about the model of public choice as applied to the<br />

bureaucracy in the West, in the developing world it could scarcely be denied<br />

that bureaucrats looked after their own interests first. Also, it was rare that the<br />

performance of public services was evaluated in a systematic way <strong>and</strong> there<br />

were manifest problems of accountability with no-one taking the responsibility<br />

for negative outcomes.<br />

How much of the problem can be attributed to the bureaucratic model itself?<br />

It could be argued that what was happening was not the problem of the model,<br />

but was due to its precepts being perverted, as exemplified by the problem of<br />

corruption. While this is possible, it is more the case that the flaws in the model<br />

were exacerbated in developing countries. It was always a naïve to think that<br />

bureaucrats would be impersonal, neutral arbiters <strong>and</strong> not involved in either<br />

politics or looking after themselves. The problems could be argued about in<br />

developed countries; in developing countries their effects could be seen in corruption<br />

<strong>and</strong> other forms of self-enrichment. While not unknown in developed<br />

countries, problems of corruption were worse in developing ones. As Huque<br />

argues (1996, p. 23):<br />

<strong>Public</strong> administration itself is susceptible to corruption since officials exercise a substantial<br />

amount of power. There are possibilities for acquiring improper benefits by interpreting<br />

or bending rules in favour of certain groups or individuals. All governments seek<br />

to have in place a number of safeguards for deterring <strong>and</strong> dealing with corruption within<br />

administrative agencies. At the same time, public administration has to develop ways <strong>and</strong><br />

means to prevent <strong>and</strong> detect corruption in other sections of society. Much of the benefit<br />

of rapid economic growth or a stable political order may be lost in the growing tide of<br />

corruption.

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