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Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes

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228 <strong>Public</strong> <strong>Management</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Administration</strong><br />

Developing countries found themselves undergoing various kinds of structural<br />

adjustment through international agencies, notably the World Bank <strong>and</strong> the<br />

IMF. Financial assistance to governments ‘comes with a panoply of conditions;<br />

it is in no way a gift’ (Haynes, 1996, p. 84). The Fund requires debtor governments<br />

to take action in five broad areas: first, trade barriers are to be lowered;<br />

secondly, subsidies <strong>and</strong> price controls are to be cut or withdrawn altogether;<br />

thirdly, financial systems are to be restructured by withdrawing controls on capital<br />

movements; fourthly, state-owned enterprises should be privatized <strong>and</strong> foreign<br />

investment controls cut; <strong>and</strong> fifthly, ‘state intervention in both the<br />

management of the economy generally as well as in the provision of social<br />

services is to be minimised’ (Haynes, 1996, p. 84).<br />

The various structural adjustment programmes, at least in their initial stages,<br />

were not particularly successful. As Haynes argues:<br />

Despite the doubtless good intentions of the Bank [World Bank] <strong>and</strong> the Fund [IMF], the<br />

result of sometimes insensitively applied conditionality was to force many Third World<br />

countries to adjust to full orthodox liberalism without allowing the pace or thrust of liberalisation<br />

to be tempered by the peculiarities of local state-society relations. Results<br />

were often disappointing, with serious social <strong>and</strong> political repercussions. (1996, p. 86)<br />

There seemed to be an assumption that, merely because neo-classical economic<br />

theory prescribed a minimal role for the state, all that was needed for economic<br />

development was to cut the public sector. It seemed that another orthodoxy –<br />

simple reduction of state activity – was to replace the previous orthodoxy of<br />

development administration. It also seemed that the result would be no better.<br />

The shift to state minimization did not work as intended. Even the World<br />

Bank, one of the institutions whose prescriptions had led to this impasse, for<br />

which it must share some blame, could argue later (1997, p. 24):<br />

As often happens with such radical shifts in perspective, countries sometimes tended to<br />

overshoot the mark. Efforts to rebalance government spending <strong>and</strong> borrowing were uncoordinated,<br />

<strong>and</strong> the good was as often cut as the bad. To meet their interest obligations,<br />

countries mired in debt squeezed critically important programmes in education, health,<br />

<strong>and</strong> infrastructure as often as – or more than – they cut low-priority programmes, bloated<br />

civil-service rolls, <strong>and</strong> money-losing enterprises.<br />

It was simple, but simplistic, to say that government just needed to be cut. What<br />

was more important was that government should be efficient, facilitative <strong>and</strong><br />

appropriate to its circumstances rather than merely small. This change in attitude<br />

led the funding agencies to change their perspective on the role of government.<br />

In the 1990s, development specialists ‘were concerned about building<br />

institutions for democratic accountability as well as for economic regulation<br />

<strong>and</strong> management’ (Grindle, 2000, p. 189). And, following a period in which<br />

policy seemed to be based on the assumption that all developing countries<br />

needed was to reduce the role of government to the bare minimum, the World<br />

Bank began to emphasize public sector reform.

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