Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
228 <strong>Public</strong> <strong>Management</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Administration</strong><br />
Developing countries found themselves undergoing various kinds of structural<br />
adjustment through international agencies, notably the World Bank <strong>and</strong> the<br />
IMF. Financial assistance to governments ‘comes with a panoply of conditions;<br />
it is in no way a gift’ (Haynes, 1996, p. 84). The Fund requires debtor governments<br />
to take action in five broad areas: first, trade barriers are to be lowered;<br />
secondly, subsidies <strong>and</strong> price controls are to be cut or withdrawn altogether;<br />
thirdly, financial systems are to be restructured by withdrawing controls on capital<br />
movements; fourthly, state-owned enterprises should be privatized <strong>and</strong> foreign<br />
investment controls cut; <strong>and</strong> fifthly, ‘state intervention in both the<br />
management of the economy generally as well as in the provision of social<br />
services is to be minimised’ (Haynes, 1996, p. 84).<br />
The various structural adjustment programmes, at least in their initial stages,<br />
were not particularly successful. As Haynes argues:<br />
Despite the doubtless good intentions of the Bank [World Bank] <strong>and</strong> the Fund [IMF], the<br />
result of sometimes insensitively applied conditionality was to force many Third World<br />
countries to adjust to full orthodox liberalism without allowing the pace or thrust of liberalisation<br />
to be tempered by the peculiarities of local state-society relations. Results<br />
were often disappointing, with serious social <strong>and</strong> political repercussions. (1996, p. 86)<br />
There seemed to be an assumption that, merely because neo-classical economic<br />
theory prescribed a minimal role for the state, all that was needed for economic<br />
development was to cut the public sector. It seemed that another orthodoxy –<br />
simple reduction of state activity – was to replace the previous orthodoxy of<br />
development administration. It also seemed that the result would be no better.<br />
The shift to state minimization did not work as intended. Even the World<br />
Bank, one of the institutions whose prescriptions had led to this impasse, for<br />
which it must share some blame, could argue later (1997, p. 24):<br />
As often happens with such radical shifts in perspective, countries sometimes tended to<br />
overshoot the mark. Efforts to rebalance government spending <strong>and</strong> borrowing were uncoordinated,<br />
<strong>and</strong> the good was as often cut as the bad. To meet their interest obligations,<br />
countries mired in debt squeezed critically important programmes in education, health,<br />
<strong>and</strong> infrastructure as often as – or more than – they cut low-priority programmes, bloated<br />
civil-service rolls, <strong>and</strong> money-losing enterprises.<br />
It was simple, but simplistic, to say that government just needed to be cut. What<br />
was more important was that government should be efficient, facilitative <strong>and</strong><br />
appropriate to its circumstances rather than merely small. This change in attitude<br />
led the funding agencies to change their perspective on the role of government.<br />
In the 1990s, development specialists ‘were concerned about building<br />
institutions for democratic accountability as well as for economic regulation<br />
<strong>and</strong> management’ (Grindle, 2000, p. 189). And, following a period in which<br />
policy seemed to be based on the assumption that all developing countries<br />
needed was to reduce the role of government to the bare minimum, the World<br />
Bank began to emphasize public sector reform.