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Public Management and Administration - Owen E.hughes

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For a start, it seems too much to claim that the existence of groups was itself<br />

an explanation <strong>and</strong> a justification of democracy. Also, it seems unrealistic to<br />

argue that government is only a byst<strong>and</strong>er, an umpire with no views of its own.<br />

Pluralism has trouble explaining the fact that groups are not equal, or that some<br />

groups always have the ear of government while others are ignored. As long as<br />

pluralism is considered to be operant – government acts as the passive arbiter<br />

of interest groups – there should be no particular problem in effectively delegating<br />

policy-making to outside groups. However, if government is not a passive<br />

arbiter between groups, or if some groups always dominate others, the<br />

quality of policy-making may suffer from being left to interest groups.<br />

There are similar problems if the relationship between government <strong>and</strong><br />

groups fits a corporatist model of interest group behaviour. The theory of corporatism<br />

argues that there is a cooperative relationship between government<br />

agencies <strong>and</strong> the interest group or groups representing the major beneficiaries;<br />

this is usually seen as an agreement between big business, big labour <strong>and</strong> government.<br />

Although the idea fits some countries at some times – for example,<br />

Germany in much of the postwar period – corporatism as a theory has probably<br />

declined in recent years. Big business, big government <strong>and</strong> big labour no<br />

longer represent that much of a society <strong>and</strong> rarely do their interests seem in<br />

concert compared with the society as a whole. Even where corporatist explanations<br />

have seemed plausible, they have tended to fall down when more traditional<br />

links between the three actors came into play, or as Dunleavy argues:<br />

‘corporatism’s difficulties remain primarily empirical – the fact that many large<br />

liberal democracies fit poorly with the immanent trend it identifies’ (1991,<br />

p. 43). Also, agreement between these three large groups is not necessarily in<br />

the interests of society as a whole. It could, for instance, disregard the interests<br />

of consumers, small business or workers who are not in unions.<br />

Pluralism <strong>and</strong> corporatism may be regarded favourably, <strong>and</strong>, if they are,<br />

there would be no problem with a close relationship between groups <strong>and</strong><br />

bureaucracy. However, it can be argued that the interaction or over-reliance on<br />

groups might lead to inferior policy outcomes.<br />

Is group competition harmful?<br />

Managing External Constituencies 213<br />

Allowing policy to be made by groups could arguably make government less<br />

effective. There are arguments that group competition is harmful to society as<br />

a whole <strong>and</strong> the functioning of the political system. In different ways, although<br />

both are from ‘rational choice’ economic theory (see Chapter 4), Olson <strong>and</strong><br />

Stigler argue that interest groups may cause undesirable policy outcomes.<br />

Olson argued (1965, 1982) that pluralism is illogical <strong>and</strong> the pluralist view<br />

is ‘fundamentally flawed’. Potential groups would not necessarily arise into<br />

actual groups, as the organizer of a large group will not gain a large share of<br />

the benefit of a policy change when compared to the costs of organization in<br />

both time <strong>and</strong> effort. Instead of large groups being more important <strong>and</strong> more

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