Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization

108 Krystyna Romaniszyn
consequence of socio-economic transformation, the numerous newcomers just
provide an easy object of the already existing evil feelings. A thesis as to the close
links between transformation and the development of racism directed against
ethnic minorities and immigrants is propounded by numerous authors (Castles
1993; Solomos and Wrench 1993; Wieviorka 1994). They all acknowledge that the
alteration of the social structure is a particularly important change, which results
in the polarisation of society between the well off and the marginalised. The new
social stratification makes for the growth of social inequality and the feeling of
insecurity on the part of those who have found themselves at the bottom of the
emerging social hierarchy. The excluded attribute the costs of transformation they
are to bear to immigrants blamed as a burden on the welfare system, considered
as competitors in the labour market, and accused of driving down wages, even if they
themselves share the same experience of marginalisation. Numerous reports and
studies demonstrate that racial expressions and practices focusing on immigrants
have already occurred.
For instance, surveys carried out in 1987 and 1993 in Finland detect a considerable
change in attitudes toward refugees and other immigrants. On the whole
they became negative, which ‘pertains to all age, gender, and social groups in
both rural and urban areas’ and induces ‘negative attitudes to social interaction
with foreign people’ (Jaakkola 1995: 3, 11). Characteristically, ‘Simultaneously, the
number of asylum seekers and other immigrants has increased, and the economic
recession has deepened’ (ibid.: 3). A study on the media’s descriptions of aliens in
the Federal Republic of Germany in the 1980s and 1990s reveals the continuous
‘negative coverage of immigrants and the depiction of them as a source of danger
and threat’ (Brady 1997: 1). In the Netherlands the south Asian and the Caribbean
migrant workers are constructed as a specific race, distinguished from the white
race of the natives, and their presence in the society is seen as a problem (Rath
1993: 218). ‘The consequence . . . is the ranking of these specific categories of
migrant workers and their offspring among the lower positions in the social
hierarchy’ (ibid.). In Norway and Denmark the anti-immigration movement claims
to be the new resistance movement fighting against ‘the Muslim invasion’ and its
national supporters (Bjorgo 1997: 56). Available research on attitudes towards
migrants and ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern Europe also arrives at
interesting findings (Haerpfer and Wallace 1997). 6 Based on an annual survey that
began in 1992, it reveals that, in most countries studied, a ‘fear of ethnic minorities
and migrants has fallen rather than risen since 1992 and this means that seeing
post-Communist Central Europe as seething with ethnic strife and xenophobia
is not an accurate portrayal. Most people don’t care about either migrants or
minorities’ (ibid.: 24).
There are numerous examples to support the thesis presented, that international
inflows influence symbolic culture of the host society, and among others may
add to the revival of the old, long muted, ideas. One may comment on the instances
of racialisation in contemporary Europe with an assessment offered by Leszek
Ko¬akowski (1990) in his essay on the intrinsic characteristics of European
culture. Ko¬akowski noticed that European culture possesses an ability to watch