Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
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212 Norbert Cyrus<br />
collective memory: beginning with the immigration of Polish workers in the second<br />
half of the nineteenth century, German nationalistic interest groups created <strong>and</strong><br />
propagated the image of the less-civilised Polish ‘job thieves’. When the developing<br />
German agriculture <strong>and</strong> industry needed cheap labour, Pol<strong>and</strong> became the main<br />
important country of origin. On the one h<strong>and</strong>, Polish workers were recruited<br />
because they were cheap <strong>and</strong> diligent, but on the other h<strong>and</strong> they were perceived<br />
to drive out German workers <strong>and</strong> to undermine German culture (Herbert 1986).<br />
According to perceptions once propagated by German interest groups, which are<br />
over a hundred years old, Poles represent disorder, they drive German workers out<br />
of their jobs, have a bad work performance, <strong>and</strong> accept lower wages because<br />
of lower st<strong>and</strong>ards of living <strong>and</strong> civilisation. Historically rooted terms like the<br />
‘Polenflut’ (Polish flood) or ‘Polnische Wirtschaft’ (Polish economy) still have a strong<br />
negative connotation in Germany (Orlowski 1996; Kurcz 1999). The fact that the<br />
first introduction of laws regulating the entry <strong>and</strong> stay of foreigners in Germany<br />
was initially restricted to Poles from abroad (while other foreigners such as Italians<br />
were not affected) underlines the significance the Polish ‘other’ had to play in the<br />
process of German state <strong>and</strong> nation formation (Wippermann 1992; Gosewinkel<br />
1997).<br />
According to commentators, the mutual stereotypes are still relevant in the<br />
German–Polish relationship in general <strong>and</strong> in the debate on the Polish accession to<br />
the EU in particular. The Polish Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Wlodimierz<br />
Cimociewiec recently estimated that the German perception of Pol<strong>and</strong> relies on<br />
negative prejudices from the past <strong>and</strong> many people do not know much about<br />
Pol<strong>and</strong>. According to Cimociewiec the fear of Eastern enlargement often uttered<br />
in both countries stems from mutual ignorance (Tagesspiegel 21.1.2002). The Polish<br />
sociologist Zdislaw Krasnodebski, now teaching in Bremen, detects an increasing<br />
public interest in the subject of Polish immigration:<br />
In view of the approaching accession of Pol<strong>and</strong> to the EU, worry <strong>and</strong> fear<br />
increase that a huge, uncontrolled immigration from Pol<strong>and</strong> will take place. In<br />
a particular sense this is a new version of the old fear of the competition of the<br />
‘cheap h<strong>and</strong>s’ <strong>and</strong> the ‘Slavic flood’.<br />
(Krasnodębski 2001: 13)<br />
The critique that the stereotypical perception of Polish workers is reproduced in<br />
the debate on Eastern enlargement is shared by German observers too. The<br />
Commissioner of affairs of foreigners of the L<strong>and</strong> Bremen sees a ‘Pol<strong>and</strong>-debate’:<br />
Since Pol<strong>and</strong> st<strong>and</strong>s on the threshold to the European Union, the question of<br />
the granting of free movement to Polish workers connected with the accession<br />
is used not infrequently in a populist manner in order to predicate ‘us’ against<br />
a Polish infiltration, a migration of peoples with decreasing wages, <strong>and</strong> to cause<br />
a competition scare against Polish workers <strong>and</strong> – to put it cautiously – to<br />
produce rejective attitudes against ‘the’ Poles, even against those who have<br />
lived here for many years.<br />
(Lill 2001)