Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization

Introduction 5
led civic-territorial model and the Eastern state-seeking ethnic model of nationalism
and national identity formation. In the recent debate, this binary opposition has
been criticised as too categorical and a-historical. As Rogers Brubaker (1999) has
recently proposed, it is more appropriate to see the ethnic and civic elements as two
general, but in their combination varying and historically changing, components
of nationalism and national identity. Accordingly, it makes sense to relate – more
systematically than has been done so far – the varying forms of nationalism and
national identity in the present to the different time zones of state formation and
nation-building in Europe as well as to the historical development and expanding
waves of democratisation during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Regarding
the different time zones of nation-state formation, there are crucial differences
between the French and British rather political nationalism (first Western European
zone), the German or Swiss more federal nationalism (second city-belt zone), the
Polish and Hungarian peripheral nationalism (third continental interface zone), or
the Russian imperial nationalism (fourth continental Empire-building zone).
Regarding the historical waves of democratisation, the early nineteenth-century
dividing line between civic-territorial and ethnic types of nationalism at the Rhine
moved during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries further eastward,
retreated again with the rise of fascism, Soviet communism and the European Cold-
War divide, but was after 1945 moving again to Western Central Europe and is now
expanding further eastward. In a parallel, the institutional components of citizenship
and the civic elements of nationalism or national identity are not fixed entities, but
historically changing in their weight and scope.
European integration and its expansion toward
the East
The reconstruction of the pluralistic system of sovereign modern nation-states,
whatever their individual configuration of statehood and civic or ethnic nationhood,
in Western and Eastern Europe is, however, only one basic feature of the contemporary
bridging of the Cold War European divide. Another feature is the
deepening and widening process of European integration that started after the
Second World War in the core of Western Europe, and which then included in
several enlargement waves most parts of North Western, Southern and Northern
Europe, intensified in cyclical and concentric movements, and is now on the move
to expand to the East. Although bound to the basic pluralism of the European state
system and perhaps even an important rescuer of the European nation-state
(Milward 1992), the European integration process has developed into a European
system of transnational governance that essentially modifies the model of the
modern nation-state. One crucial feature is the pooling of the member states’
national sovereignty into the transnational European Community/Union level that,
although with the basic consent of each member, nevertheless restricts and mediates
the independent power of each individual nation-state. Another crucial feature is
the functional integration of particular political, economic or social issues that were
traditionally in the hands of an individual state or society and are now merged into