Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
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224 Judit Tóth <strong>and</strong> Endre Sik<br />
• cherishes a strong nostalgia for <strong>and</strong>/or active ties with its country of origin;<br />
• constantly prepares to return, but never actually does.<br />
Our analysis of the sociological characteristics of Diaspora is grounded in the work<br />
of Bonacich (<strong>and</strong> its ‘corollaries,’ Bonacich <strong>and</strong> Turner 1980; Light <strong>and</strong> Bonacich<br />
1988). The most profitable aspect of this approach for our analysis is that in<br />
explaining the sojourner mentality of the migrant entrepreneur, it describes a<br />
sociological behaviour highly characteristic of a Diasporic existence. This pattern<br />
is sustained by three factors:<br />
(a)<br />
(b)<br />
(c)<br />
an ambivalent but powerful emotional relationship with the country of origin<br />
(migrants maintain their connections, they keep planning to return while being<br />
aware that they will never in fact do so, an awareness which they hide from<br />
themselves <strong>and</strong> in part (over)compensate, but which makes their sojourn in the<br />
host country emotionally conceivable only as something temporary);<br />
an ambivalent relationship with the host country <strong>and</strong> its majority population<br />
(the loyalty of alien settlers is conditional, something that is economically<br />
advantageous for migrant <strong>and</strong> majority population alike <strong>and</strong> yet continually<br />
reproduces mutual suspicions, etc.);<br />
the intrinsic traits of the migrant existence (a strong <strong>and</strong> often introverted<br />
community in which personal ties are maintained, an (over)developed<br />
awareness of ‘us’, economic isolation, cultural (religious, ethnic, economic) selfdefence<br />
<strong>and</strong> the dominance of highly liquid investments, etc.).<br />
The applicability of this model has its obvious limitations as Diasporas are not<br />
exclusively made up of small entrepreneurs; further, Bonacich’s approach does not<br />
consider every feature of a Diasporic existence (for example its political dimension),<br />
<strong>and</strong> ignores factors that may, on occasion, be relevant to a sociological analysis of<br />
Diasporas (such as segregation in housing or the historical, political <strong>and</strong> cultural<br />
relations between the sending <strong>and</strong> the host countries).<br />
It is therefore appropriate to consider – using Bonacich’s model as our basis – the<br />
inclusion among the characteristics of Diasporic existence (<strong>and</strong> of the relationship<br />
of the Diaspora with the sending <strong>and</strong> the host countries) the following: 1<br />
(a)<br />
(b)<br />
(c)<br />
(d)<br />
the majority population of the host country regard the Diaspora as an alien or,<br />
assuming a dual loyalty on the part of the Diaspora, even a hostile (scapegoat)<br />
community;<br />
a Diaspora has its life cycles much as an individual has, <strong>and</strong> the sociological<br />
features characterising emergent, strengthened <strong>and</strong> disintegrating Diasporas<br />
greatly differ from each other;<br />
the nature of the relationship of a Diaspora with the host country may vary<br />
according to the relative size <strong>and</strong> sociological make-up of the former <strong>and</strong> the<br />
cultural, historical <strong>and</strong> political characteristics of the latter;<br />
the same country of origin may send out more than one Diasporas, which<br />
may communicate with each other, <strong>and</strong> this communication may result in<br />
the emergence of a ‘world-wide’ community of economic, cultural, <strong>and</strong>