Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
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76 Richard Münch<br />
ab<strong>and</strong>on parties since they feel strong enough to maintain themselves in the<br />
competition of an ever more open society, whilst the others do so as they no longer<br />
believe these parties can offer them the desired protection against the growing<br />
competition from outside. The typical social democratic electorate is dissolving<br />
in the context of society’s differentiation process. This phenomenon is another result<br />
of the interplay of <strong>Europeanisation</strong> <strong>and</strong> globalisation, on the one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> of<br />
internal differentiation, on the other.<br />
Regionalist movements come to life since, on the one h<strong>and</strong>, the nation-state no<br />
longer offers the support required <strong>and</strong>, on the other, as both the European single<br />
market <strong>and</strong> the world market submit the regions <strong>and</strong> local communities below the<br />
level of the nation-state to a stronger competition between locations. Therefore,<br />
the stronger regions want to discharge part of their commitment toward the weaker<br />
ones, whilst the weaker regions count on that support in the wider European<br />
framework, support which they believe is withheld from them by their own nationstate<br />
centre.<br />
The above-mentioned process of abstraction <strong>and</strong> differentiation of the collective<br />
consciousness in the context of European integration can be excellently underlined<br />
with data from Eurobarometer surveys. An avant-garde of 4 per cent of the<br />
national populations are developing a European identity, thus st<strong>and</strong>ing out<br />
against national ties; a small group of 6 per cent combines both identities whilst<br />
giving preference to Europe; a larger group of 42 per cent still see themselves first<br />
<strong>and</strong> foremost as members of their own nation, but secondarily also as Europeans;<br />
no less than 45 per cent, however, still consider themselves exclusively members<br />
of their own nations (European Commission 1999: B13). Accordingly, they still<br />
expect the nation-state to offer a collective solution to current problems. Therefore,<br />
they react with uncertainty to the nation-state’s dwindling integrative <strong>and</strong> problemsolving<br />
power. They are ill-prepared for a self-responsible lifestyle. As a result, they<br />
provide potential supporters for right-wing populist <strong>and</strong> right-wing extremist<br />
counter-movements to the process of <strong>Europeanisation</strong> <strong>and</strong> globalisation. In this<br />
process, the nation-states have to pass the crucial test between the diverging<br />
movements of modernisers <strong>and</strong> traditionalists, Europeans <strong>and</strong> nationalists (Münch<br />
1998: 306–19). The conflict is enhanced by the fact that it is linked with the differentiation<br />
of national societies according to education, income <strong>and</strong> professional status.<br />
The turning toward Europe <strong>and</strong> the related modification of national solidarity<br />
is, above all, a matter for the higher status groups, whilst clinging to the nation<br />
primarily involves the lower groups (European Commission 1999: B31).<br />
The new Europe: democracy without demos<br />
It is striking to note that the dissatisfaction with democracy at the European level<br />
goes h<strong>and</strong> in h<strong>and</strong> with the lack of a turn toward Europe <strong>and</strong> a lower status<br />
with regard to education, income <strong>and</strong> profession (European Commission 1999:<br />
B19). The generally low degree of satisfaction with democracy at a European level<br />
triggered a feverish search for an adequate remedy to this so-called European<br />
democracy deficit (Reif 1992, 1993a, 1993b). Most proposals in this direction,