Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
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German trade unions <strong>and</strong> Polish migrant workers 201<br />
membership, trade unions in Europe have to take into account the morale of their<br />
members who finance the organisation through their membership fee <strong>and</strong> provide<br />
the basis for political influence. The efficiency <strong>and</strong> success of interest representation<br />
in each of the policy channels depend on the organisational ability to mobilise the<br />
members for political action (strikes on the shop floor level, public manifestations)<br />
(Erne 2001). If members do not go along with the policy <strong>and</strong> strategy, the<br />
organisation will get into trouble. To persuade members that the organisation can<br />
act successfully in the interests of its clients is an elementary task of every organisation<br />
based on voluntary membership. Like every membership organisation, the<br />
cognitive horizon of members is the starting point of activities <strong>and</strong> forms the cultural<br />
opportunity space. In order to follow interests, trade unions have to take into account<br />
two constraints: the increasingly European shaped political opportunity structure<br />
<strong>and</strong> the still nationally rooted cultural opportunity structure.<br />
Trade unions are reflexive organisations <strong>and</strong> their officials are aware of the<br />
tightrope they must walk between changing political opportunities whilst cultural<br />
convictions lag behind. As early as the early 1990s, trade union officials had pointed<br />
to the national frame of reference that affect the room for manoeuvre:<br />
Trade unions’ migration policy had to operate in an extremely narrow<br />
opportunity space. On the one h<strong>and</strong> the policy was determined by the federal<br />
stipulation which was impossible for trade unions to change. On the other side,<br />
the trade unions’ policy depended on the consent of the native majority of<br />
members, who showed more or less willingness to make concessions <strong>and</strong> often<br />
showed more underst<strong>and</strong>ing of a restrictive immigration state-policy than for<br />
the own organisation, which had the programmematic claim to represent<br />
foreign workers equally alongside the inl<strong>and</strong> majority of members.<br />
(Kühne et al. 1994: 19)<br />
The deep transformations since the end of the 1980s challenged the taken-forgranted<br />
interpretation the cultural apparatus used to offer its members during<br />
neo-corporatist national isolation. The increasing presence of workers from<br />
abroad accompanied by rising unemployment of domestic workers called for new<br />
<strong>and</strong> intensified cognitive efforts to keep the support of members. IG BAU also<br />
consciously took into account the constraints of the cultural opportunity structure.<br />
This becomes clear in an statement by two trade union officials who outline a<br />
‘double strategy’:<br />
Inevitably the IG BAU will be confronted with the question who is the clientele<br />
the organisation will have to organise <strong>and</strong> if it is possible that all interests can be<br />
represented by one national trade union. In the absence of an overriding<br />
principle, the increasing competition for jobs will leave no space for solidarity.<br />
Therefore a speedy concentration of interests on binding collective regulations<br />
is necessary. The IG BAU will have to follow a double strategy: on the one h<strong>and</strong><br />
it is necessary to present the organisation to all workers from the whole of Europe<br />
as a strong <strong>and</strong> reliable organisation with attractive services. Simultaneously the