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Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization

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180 Ewa Morawska<br />

in Düsseldorf in western Germany. 28 One of the interesting research questions<br />

that await comparative investigation is the effect of proximate (here, Berlin) vs. geographically<br />

more distant (Düsseldorf) home <strong>and</strong> host countries <strong>and</strong> its implications<br />

for the ease <strong>and</strong> frequency of back-<strong>and</strong>-forth travels on the composition of<br />

immigrants’ identities.<br />

Another factor apparently contributing to this identificational configuration<br />

is the ‘domestication’ of or, in sociological terms, anticipatory socialisation into<br />

German culture in immigrants’ families in the home country. On several occasions<br />

during our conversations about this matter, my respondents referred to their<br />

backgrounds in Pol<strong>and</strong>’s western territories or the former zabor pruski, a German<br />

division of partitioned Pol<strong>and</strong> (1795–1918) where ‘people’s habits <strong>and</strong> outlooks<br />

still differ from those in the rest of Pol<strong>and</strong>’, to ‘respect for the law <strong>and</strong> order <strong>and</strong><br />

familiarity with German culture’, <strong>and</strong> to knowledge of [at least some] German<br />

maintained in their families. 29<br />

Finally, there is also a possibility that the emphasis by immigrants in this group<br />

on their cosmopolitan (supra-national) orientations represents a form of inner escape<br />

from or defence against the low status of the Polish group in Germany. Such escapes<br />

into transnational, here, home-country-oriented, identities <strong>and</strong> engagements by<br />

racial minority immigrants in America have been reported in several studies<br />

(see, e.g., Waters 1999; Smith <strong>and</strong> Guarnizo 1998). This case would represent<br />

a flight into post-nationalism. I did not pursue this possibility in my preliminary<br />

study, but, thus far unexamined in sociological studies, it is certainly worth<br />

investigation.<br />

Conclusion<br />

As the foregoing discussion demonstrates, how the immigrant experience influences<br />

the national identities of Berlin Poles depends not only on the particular circumstances<br />

they encounter in the host society but also on the home-country cultural<br />

capital they bring with them. 30 As a result of this multiplicity, immigrant identities<br />

take many forms. Only four have been considered in this chapter. As I discussed<br />

each of them, I also pointed out research questions that await further investigation.<br />

In conclusion, I return to the two reasons noted in the introduction, which make<br />

the study of Polish (<strong>and</strong> East European) immigrants in Germany (West Europe)<br />

worthy of investigation.<br />

The contribution of my Berlin project to the study of immigrant transnationalism<br />

has been twofold. A vast literature on immigrant transnationalism 31 that recognises<br />

cross-border identities of travellers as a constitutive component of this phenomenon<br />

has seldom inquired into the particular forms of these self-representations. I have<br />

identified different forms of such identities <strong>and</strong> circumstances that shape them.<br />

My study also repudiates the prevailing view that transnational involvements either<br />

de-anchor immigrants from both sender <strong>and</strong> receiver societies or produce ‘bifocal’<br />

identities whose social embeddedness in local environments is not elaborated (see,<br />

e.g., Vertovec <strong>and</strong> Cohen 1999; Rouse 1992; <strong>and</strong> Kearney 1995 for the former<br />

approach; Portes 1999 for the latter). As a result, studies of transnationalism <strong>and</strong> the

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