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Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization

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3 Enduring nations <strong>and</strong><br />

the illusions of European<br />

integration<br />

John Hutchinson<br />

Introduction<br />

By the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) the nation-states of the European Community<br />

bound themselves to a Union that reaches into many of the core functions of the<br />

nation-state: control of borders <strong>and</strong> territory, the policing of citizens <strong>and</strong> immigration,<br />

currency <strong>and</strong> taxation, management of the economy, <strong>and</strong> foreign policy<br />

<strong>and</strong> defence (Wallace 1997: 33). The nation-state was born in Europe <strong>and</strong> became<br />

through European imperial expansion the global norm. Is Europe now pioneering<br />

a new political form, embodying the principle of multiple sovereignties, that will<br />

supersede the nation-state <strong>and</strong> fit humanity for its postmodern future? Does<br />

Maastricht represent an ‘irreversible move towards real federation’ (Anderson 1997:<br />

126)? Or is it a doomed experiment, likely to intensify the very thing it is designed<br />

to forestall – the resurgence of nationalism at the very heart of the Union?<br />

My subject is the future of nations as political actors in the new Europe. I will<br />

argue that the enduring power of nations is misunderstood because commentators<br />

conflate nation with nation-state, <strong>and</strong> equate the potency of the political nation<br />

with its modernising rather than with its identity functions. Most analysts exaggerate<br />

the contemporary <strong>Europeanisation</strong> of nations, failing to note that being ‘European’<br />

has always been enmeshed with national agendas. The concept of ‘Europe’ is largely<br />

indeterminate, given a common definition only when imposed by the ‘great nationstates’,<br />

<strong>and</strong> as such is unable to inspire a directive <strong>and</strong> solidaristic response in crises<br />

when national interests conflict. What is in doubt is the medium-term viability<br />

of the European Union, not of its constituent nation-states, for the historical record<br />

reveals federations, like empires, have a poor record in the modern world.<br />

The chapter falls into two parts. The first is historical. This examines three<br />

aspects of nations: the basis <strong>and</strong> functions of national identities; the manner in which<br />

European nation-states have tried to regulate political, economic, cultural <strong>and</strong><br />

military processes; <strong>and</strong> how such nations have conceived of their relationships<br />

to Europe. The second part discusses how far the formation of the European<br />

Community represents a fundamental break with the Europe of nation-states, <strong>and</strong><br />

the likely future of nations in the new contexts of monetary union <strong>and</strong> eastwards<br />

expansion.

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