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Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization

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Integration of Hungary or the Hungarians? 235<br />

These factors have a double impact. On the one h<strong>and</strong>, they obviously <strong>and</strong> rapidly<br />

opened new fields of international cooperation on such matters that traditionally<br />

belonged to the state sovereignty. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, these overlapping changes of<br />

transition <strong>and</strong> external effects contribute to the noticeable growth of xenophobia<br />

<strong>and</strong> anti-European sentiments, in spite of the original aims.<br />

Admit only ‘self-made men’<br />

The previously mentioned sense of emergency <strong>and</strong> suspicious attitude towards<br />

migrants, strongly reduced the moves towards family unification <strong>and</strong> integration of<br />

lawful foreign residents (recognised refugees, protected persons <strong>and</strong> settled migrants)<br />

into the local community, labour market <strong>and</strong> society in general. Although there are<br />

no notices attached to the border-crossing points to the effect that ‘Hungary admits<br />

only self-made men’ the migration policy has been based on this principle. It means<br />

that the harsh selective (exclusive) entry policy is not paired with a set of support<br />

mechanisms in order to integrate the foreigners into the society as smoothly as<br />

possible, preventing further social, cultural <strong>and</strong> political tensions. The logic is the<br />

opposite: the major aim is to frighten aliens, <strong>and</strong> those who remain are ethnic<br />

Hungarians. Why do they want integration programmes <strong>and</strong> assistance? The<br />

others who are non-Hungarians form an easily ignored small group that can manage<br />

the transition period alone, surviving the labyrinth of alien policing <strong>and</strong> refugee<br />

administration (Tóth 1995). This policy has led to a relatively high rate of transit,<br />

re-migration <strong>and</strong> irregular migration, which seems to support the government’s<br />

unwillingness to develop an integration policy. Further, the ethnic preference<br />

in reception policy jeopardises the impartial implementation of human right<br />

obligations (Fullerton 1997) <strong>and</strong> produces dysfunctions in immigration law<br />

(Tóth 1997).<br />

Controversies in foreign affairs doctrine<br />

There is a triple priority system within foreign policy, outlined by the first democratic<br />

government in 1990, which has been gradually developed <strong>and</strong> re-interpreted by<br />

all ruling coalitions since. Originally, this policy had three equally important components:<br />

(1) Hungary intends to integrate into the Euro-Atlantic alliance <strong>and</strong><br />

organisations; (2) the country commits itself to establishing a good neighbourhood<br />

<strong>and</strong> friendly relations in the region; (3) as the mother country, it has responsibilities<br />

for ethnic Hungarians living across the border.<br />

The Hungarian Republic feels responsible for the lot of Hungarians living<br />

outside her borders <strong>and</strong> promotes their relations with Hungary.<br />

The amendment of the Constitution 5 to include this sentence significantly changed<br />

the policy of the democratic Hungarian government <strong>and</strong> legislation related to the<br />

Diaspora. Since 1989 the expressions most frequently used were national minorities,

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