Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
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236 Judit Tóth <strong>and</strong> Endre Sik<br />
nationalities, parts of the nation, Hungarians abroad, Diaspora or Hungarians<br />
beyond the borders but terminological diversity has remained up to now strongly<br />
linked to the controversial nature of the policies <strong>and</strong> their legal obscurity (Tóth<br />
2000a).<br />
Members of the nation can be legally classified into three simple categories. First,<br />
<strong>and</strong> the great part of them, the citizens of the Hungarian Republic. Second, several<br />
million ethnic Hungarians, who are foreign citizens. Finally, the family relationships<br />
of the two previous groups have created a great number of ethnic Hungarians<br />
in possession of multiple citizenship. Attachment on the basis of citizenship is just<br />
one aspect, the other being that of registered, lawful residence. In accordance with<br />
the latter, a differentiation is made between Hungarian citizens living in Hungary,<br />
Hungarian citizens living abroad, <strong>and</strong> foreign citizens residing in Hungary or<br />
living abroad but belonging to the Hungarian nation. These simple elements<br />
of classification may only be used if it can be legally determined what belonging to<br />
the Hungarian ethnicity means, <strong>and</strong> what the requirements of living somewhere<br />
include.<br />
Although the number of domestic <strong>and</strong> international legal sources covering the<br />
various legal aspects of Diaspora is increasing – it amounted to over 150 sources in<br />
force in 2000 – the Diaspora law has been subjected to changing political priorities,<br />
but has not established a coherent structure. Further, the Diaspora policy is based<br />
on the basis of myths or common belief on the part of ethnic Hungarian communities.<br />
For instance, Hungarians beyond the borders are always referred to as a<br />
community of three million in the surrounding states, <strong>and</strong> two million emigrants<br />
all over the world (Tóth 2000). While the first group is considered the innocent<br />
victims of migrating state borders, the emigrants are stigmatised. The Hungarian<br />
community in the neighbouring states is regarded as a depository of genuine ethnical<br />
identity, but the assimilated emigrants are regarded as ‘second-class patriots’ who<br />
left voluntarily for a better life, despite the fact that the Holocaust exchanges of<br />
population in 1945–6, the Communist suppression <strong>and</strong> the revolution in 1956<br />
produced thous<strong>and</strong>s of expatriated nationals. Social surveys on various patterns of<br />
all socialisation to the environment in each majoritarian society <strong>and</strong> statistics on<br />
composition of Diaspora groups have never been required in order to establish<br />
informed Diaspora policies or regulation. The European integration of the mother<br />
country inspires the birth of new myths (Bárdi 2000) as well as new stereotypes of<br />
Hungarians across the borders.<br />
Needless to say, these priorities of foreign affairs doctrine have never been equal.<br />
Frequently they are in competition, <strong>and</strong> the government in power has to make<br />
choices in concrete political situations. Meanwhile, public opinion can feel reassured<br />
(Tóth 2000b).<br />
Do not panic over Schengen – stay at home!<br />
The ‘imported’ instruments of exclusion during the efforts towards accession to<br />
the EU have been implemented against migrants, of which about two thirds<br />
belong to the nation. Besides the fact that the public administration is overworked,